Lasix online without prescription

Researchers found that lasix online without prescription between 1999 and the early why do you have to take potassium with lasix 2010s, U.S. Adults with diabetes made substantial gains. A growing percentage had their blood sugar, blood pressure and cholesterol down to recommended levels.

Since then, the picture has changed lasix online without prescription. Progress on cholesterol has stalled, and fewer patients have their blood sugar and blood pressure under control than a decade ago. The findings are concerning, the researchers said, since the trends could put more Americans at risk of heart disease, stroke and other diabetes complications.

"This is very sobering," said senior researcher Elizabeth Selvin, a professor at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public lasix online without prescription Health in Baltimore. "It's not just that rates [of control] are plateauing, they're worsening." Selvin and her colleagues published the findings in the June 10 issue of the New England Journal of Medicine. As of 2018, over 34 million Americans had diabetes, according to American Diabetes Association.

The vast majority had lasix online without prescription type 2 diabetes, where the body can no longer properly use insulin, a hormone that regulates blood sugar. As a result, blood sugar levels soar. Over time, uncontrolled blood sugar can damage the blood vessels and nerves, contributing to complications such as heart disease, stroke, kidney failure and eye disease.

On top lasix online without prescription of that, people with diabetes often have other chronic conditions, like high blood pressure and elevated cholesterol, which can also feed those complications. So, why would control of those conditions be worsening?. It's not clear from the study, but Selvin pointed to some possibilities.

In 2008 and 2009, three clinical trials were published that questioned the value of lasix online without prescription "intensive" blood sugar control. Diabetes patients assigned to that regimen showed no further reduction in their risk of heart trouble or stroke -- but they did have a greater risk of potentially dangerous drops in blood sugar. Those trials tested the effects of especially tight control of patients' A1C levels.

That's a measure of a person's average lasix online without prescription blood sugar levels over the past three months. The trials aimed to get patients' A1C to below 6.5% or 6% -- versus the standard 7%. After the results were published, some doctors began backing off from tight blood sugar control.

"I think what we're lasix online without prescription seeing now is something of an overcorrection," Selvin said. That's because fewer Americans are now achieving even the standard A1C goal of below 7%. Selvin's team found that between 1999 and the early 2010s, the proportion of diabetes patients meeting that target rose from 44% to 57%.

By 2018, that had lasix online without prescription declined to 50%. The trends for blood pressure control were similar. Over the earlier time period, the percentage of diabetes patients meeting blood pressure goals improved from 64% to 74%.

That figure lasix online without prescription dipped thereafter, to 70%. (Control was defined as below 140/90 mm Hg.) The reasons are not clear, but Selvin noted the pattern matches that of the U.S. Population as a whole.

Dr. Joanna Mitri is an endocrinologist and research associate at Joslin Diabetes Center in Boston. She had no role in the study.

Mitri said that after the trials of intensive glucose (blood sugar) lowering came out, treatment guidelines shifted away from being "glucose-centric" toward a broader focus on controlling other cardiovascular risk factors as well. QUESTION ______________ is another term for type 2 diabetes. See Answer For some patients, she said, a relatively higher A1C may be appropriate -- for example, an older adult at risk of low blood sugar episodes.

For other patients, keeping A1C below 7% may be the right goal. The point is, the treatment plan should be individualized, Mitri said. She encouraged diabetes patients to ask their doctor what their A1C goal is, why that's the target, and how best to achieve it.

But don't forget the bigger picture. "We need to improve all three things -- blood glucose, blood pressure and cholesterol -- in addition to weight management, diet and exercise," Mitri said. According to Selvin, it's possible that lifestyle-related factors, including trends in obesity, contributed to declines in blood sugar and blood pressure control in recent years.

"Complementing medication with lifestyle changes is very important," she said. "Preventing further weight gain is very important." Selvin also noted that since the 2008/2009 trials, new diabetes medications have become available that can lower blood sugar with less risk of dangerous lows. Like Mitri, she suggested patients talk to their doctors about their treatment goals and ask whether they are on "optimal" management.

The study was funded by the U.S. National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute. More information The American Diabetes Association has more on managing diabetes.

SOURCES. Elizabeth Selvin, PhD, MPH, professor, epidemiology, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, Baltimore. Joanna Mitri, MD, endocrinologist, research associate, Joslin Diabetes Center, Boston.

New England Journal of Medicine, June 10, 2021 Copyright © 2021 HealthDay. All rights reserved.Latest Neurology News FRIDAY, June 11, 2021 (HealthDay News) Sleep disorders may increase the odds for dementia in survivors of traumatic brain injury, new research suggests. The study included nearly 713,000 patients who were free of dementia when they were treated for traumatic brain injury (TBI) between 2003 and 2013.

The severity of their brain injuries varied, and nearly six in 10 were men. Their median age was 44, meaning half were older, half younger. Over a median follow-up of 52 months, about 33,000 of these patients developed dementia.

Those diagnosed with a sleep disorder were 25% more likely to develop dementia, the study found. The results were similar for men and women — a sleep disorder was associated with a 26% increase in men's dementia risk and a 23% increase among women. "Our study's novelty is its confirmation of sleep disorders' association with incident dementia in both male and female patients, independently of other known dementia risks," said lead author Dr.

Tatyana Mollayeva, an associate director of the Acquired Brain Injury Research Lab at the University of Toronto, in Canada. "We are also the first to report on the risks that sleep disorders and other factors pose separately for male and female patients with TBI," she added in an American Academy of Sleep Medicine news release. Mollayeva said the findings suggest a need for greater awareness of sleep disorder risk in TBI patients.

In the study, the researchers controlled for age, sex, income level, injury severity and other health problems that could affect the results. A study abstract was recently published in an online supplement of the journal Sleep. The findings are also scheduled to be presented Sunday during a virtual meeting of the Associated Professional Sleep Societies.

More information The American Academy of Family Physicians has more on dementia. SOURCE. American Academy of Sleep Medicine, news release, June 8, 2021 Robert Preidt Copyright © 2021 HealthDay.

All rights reserved. SLIDESHOW Sleep Disorders. Foods That Help Sleep or Keep You Awake See Slideshow.

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We live in unprecedented furosemide lasix mechanism of action times. But what makes them without parallel is not the current lasix crisis nor the continued problems facing minorities in our institutions. Rather, it’s that for the first time, the problems of accessibility, rights and freedoms are now furosemide lasix mechanism of action invading privileged spaces.

There can be no ‘getting back to normal’, because ‘normal’ only ever benefited the white, Western, patriarchal, abled and cis ideals. For many, the world is furosemide lasix mechanism of action not suddenly on fire. It has long been burning.The present lasix lays bare systemic prejudice against the most vulnerable among us.

We at Medical Humanities, with our focus on global health and social justice, welcome discussion about how the crisis has disproportionately affected racial and fiscal minorities, those from the disabled community, those who are LGBTQA+ and other vulnerable groups. What we focus on here, now, can lead to greater accessibility and equity in the future.In this expanded issue, we offer some furosemide lasix mechanism of action of the incredible work being done across the field of medical humanities prior to the hypertension medications crisis, and we are already reviewing articles on the role of health humanities during the lasix. The process of academic publishing tends not to lend itself to immediacy, however, and the challenges of lasix means greater pressure on everyone, from the authors to the reviewers and readers.To remedy this, we at Medical Humanities have been increasing the work on our blog platform, a place where content can be quickly updated, and where conversations can occur among readers and writers.

We openly invite submissions furosemide lasix mechanism of action concerning the lasix, as well as topics relevant to our wider CFP (call for posts/papers) this year on social justice and health, to both blog and journal. We will do our best to expedite. Finally, we have also been addressing social justice and access in our podcast, where we interviewed disability activist Alice Wong and most recently Dr Oni Blackstock, primary care physician and HIV specialist in New York.

We hope to have many more on these critical subjects.We wish all of you good health and safety furosemide lasix mechanism of action and know that many of you are yet on the front lines. Thank you for being part of the community of Medical Humanities.IntroductionMinecraft is a computer game with no specific goals to accomplish. The gameworld consists of three-dimensional (3D) furosemide lasix mechanism of action cubes and objects which the player (Steve) can mine and build into infinitely complex (and logically impossible) structures.

Steve sometimes encounters other characters (‘mobs’), such as animals and hostile creatures. He can ‘spawn’ and destroy them. While it looks like a harmless game furosemide lasix mechanism of action of logical construction, it conveys some worryingly delusive ideas about the real world.

The difference between real and imagined structures is at the heart of the age-old debate around categorising mental disorders.Classification in mental health has had various forms throughout history. Mack and colleagues set out a history of psychiatric classification beginning in 2600 BC furosemide lasix mechanism of action with Egyptian references to melancholia and hysteria. Through the Ancient Greeks with Hippocrates’ phrenitis, mania, melancholia, epilepsy, hysteria and Scythian disease.

Through the Renaissance period. Through to 19th-century psychiatry featuring Pinel (known as the first psychiatrist), Kraepelin (known for observational classification) and Freud (known for classifying neurosis and psychosis).1Although the history of psychiatric classification identifies some common trends such as the labels furosemide lasix mechanism of action ‘melancholia’ and ‘hysteria’ which have survived millennia, the label ‘depression’ is relatively new. The earliest usage noted by Snaith is from 1899.

€˜in simple pathological depression…the patient exhibits a growing indifference to his former pursuits…’.2 Snaith noted that early 20th-century psychiatrists like Adolf Meyer hoped that ‘depression’ furosemide lasix mechanism of action would come to encompass a broad category under which descriptions of subtypes would emerge. This did not happen until the middle of the 20th century. With the publication of the sixth International Classification of Diseases (ICD) in 1948 and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) in 1952 and their subsequent revisions, the latter half of the 20th century has seen depression subtype labels proliferate.

In their study of the social determinants of diagnostic labels in depression, McPherson and Armstrong illustrate how the codification of depression subtypes in the latter half of the 20th century has been shaped by the evolving context of psychiatry, including furosemide lasix mechanism of action power struggles within the profession, a move to community care and the development of psychopharmacology.3During this period, McPherson and Armstrong describe how subsequent versions of the DSM served as battlegrounds for professional disputes and philosophical quarrels around categorisation of mental disorders. DSM I and DSM II have been described as products of an American Psychiatric Association dominated by psychoanalytic psychiatrists.4 DSM III and DSM III-R have been described as a radical rejection of psychoanalytic thinking, a ‘neo-Kraepelinian revolution’, a reference to the observational descriptive techniques of 19th-century psychiatrist Emil Kraepelin who classified mental disorders into two broad categories. €˜dementia praecox’ furosemide lasix mechanism of action and ‘manic-depression’.5 DSM III was seen by some as a turning point in the use of the medical model of mental illness, through provision of specific inclusion and exclusion criteria, and use of field trials and a multiaxial system.6 These latter technocratic additions to psychiatric labelling served to engender a much closer alignment between psychiatry, science and medicine.The codification of mental disorders in manuals has been described by Thomas Schacht as intrinsic to the relationship between science and politics and the way in which psychiatrists gain significant social power by aligning themselves to science.7 His argument drew on Szasz, who saw the mental health establishment as a therapeutic state.

Zimbardo, who described psychiatric care as a controlling force. And Foucault, who described the categorisation of the mentally ill as a force for isolating ‘the other’. Diagnostic critique has been further developed through a cultural relativist lens in that what Western psychiatrists classify as a depression is constructed differently in other cultures.8 Considering these limitations, some critics have gone so far as to argue that psychiatric diagnostic systems should be abolished.9Yet architects of DSM manuals have worked hard to ensure the furosemide lasix mechanism of action technology of classification is regarded as genuine scientific activity with sound roots in philosophy of science.

In their philosophical defence of DSM IV, Allen Frances and colleagues address their critics under the headings ‘nominalism vs realism’, ‘empiricism vs rationalism’ and ‘categorical vs dimensional’.10 The implication is that there are opposing stances in which a choice must be made or a middle ground forged by those reasonable enough to recognise the need for pragmatism in the service of clinical utility. The nominalism–realism debate is illustrated using as metaphor three different stances a furosemide lasix mechanism of action cricket umpire might take on calling strikes and balls. The discussion sets out two of these as extreme views.

€˜at one extreme…those who take a reductionistically realistic view of the world’ versus ‘the solipsistic nominalists…might content that nothing exists’. Szasz, who is characterised as holding particularly furosemide lasix mechanism of action extreme views, is named as an archetypal solipsist. There is implied to be a degree of arrogance associated with this view in the illustrative example in which the umpire states ‘there are no balls and there are no strikes until I call them’.

Frances therefore sets up a means of grouping two kinds of people as philosophical extremists who can be dismissed, while avoiding addressing the philosophical problems they pose.Frances provides little if any justification for the middle ground stance, ‘There are balls and there are strikes and I call them as I see them’, other than to focus on its clinical utility and the lack furosemide lasix mechanism of action of clinical utility in the alternatives ‘naïve realism’ and ‘heuristically barren solipsism’. The natural conclusion the reader is invited to reach is that a middle ground of a heuristic concept is naturally right because it is not extreme and is naturally useful clinically, without specifying in what way this stance is coherent, resolves the two alternatives, and in what way a heuristic construct that is not ‘real’ can be subject to scientific testing.Similarly, in discussing the ‘categorical vs dimensional’, Frances promotes the ‘prototype approach’. Those holding opposing views are labelled as ‘dualists’ or ‘dichotomisers’.

The prototypical furosemide lasix mechanism of action approach is again put forward as a clinically useful middle ground. Illustrations are drawn from natural science. €˜a triangle and a square are never the same’, furosemide lasix mechanism of action inciting the reader to consider science as value-free.

The prototypical approach emerges as a natural solution, yet the authors do not address how a diagnostic prototype resolves the issues posed by the two alternatives, nor how a prototype can be subjected to natural science methods.The argument presented here is not a defence of solipsism or dualism. Rather it aims to illustrate that if for pragmatic purposes clinicians and policymakers choose to gloss over the philosophical flaws in classification practices, it is then risky to move beyond the heuristic and apply natural science methods to these constructs adding multiple layers of technocratic subclassification. Doing so is more furosemide lasix mechanism of action like playing Minecraft than cricket.

The National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guideline for depression is taken as an example of the philosophical errors that can follow from playing Minecraft with unsound heuristic devices, specifically subcategories of persistent forms of depression. As well as serving a clinical purpose, diagnosis in medicine is a way of allocating resources for insurance companies and constructing clinical guidelines, which in furosemide lasix mechanism of action turn determine rationing within the National Health Service. The consequences for recipients of healthcare are therefore significant.

Clinical utility is arguably not being served at all and patients are left at risk of poor-quality care.Heterogeneity of persistent depressionAndrea Jobst and colleagues note that ‘because of their chronic clinical course, approximately 40% of CD [chronic depression] patients also fulfil criteria for TRD [treatment resistant depression]…usually defined by the number of non-successful biological treatments’.11 This position is reflected in the DSM VAmerican Psychiatric Association (2013), the European Psychiatric Association (EPA) guidance and the ICD-11(World Health Organisation, 2018), which all use a ‘persistent’ depression category, acknowledging a loosely defined mixed group of long-term, difficult-to-treat depressive conditions, often associated with dysthymia and comorbid common mental disorders, various personality traits and psychosocial disability.In contrast, the NICE 2018 draft guideline separates treatments into those for ‘new episodes’ of depression. €˜further-line’ treatment of depression (equivalent furosemide lasix mechanism of action to TRD), CD and ‘depression with co-morbidities’. The latter is subdivided into treatments for ‘complex depression’ and ‘psychotic depression’.

These categories and subcategories introduce an unfortunate sense of certainty as furosemide lasix mechanism of action though these labels represent real things. An analysis follows of how these definitions play out in terms of grouping of randomised controlled trials in the NICE evidence review. Specifically, the analysis reveals the overlap between populations in trials which have been separated into discrete categories, revealing significant limitations to the utility of the category labels.The NICE definition of CD requires trial samples to meet the criteria for major depressive disorder (MDD) for 2 years.

Dysthymia and double furosemide lasix mechanism of action depression (MDD superimposed on dysthymia) were included. If 75% of the trial population met these criteria, the trial was reviewed in the CD category.12 The definition of TRD (or ‘further-line treatments’) required that the trial sample had demonstrated a ‘limited response to previous treatment’ and randomised to the further-line treatment at this point. If 80% of the trial participants met these criteria, it was reviewed in the TRD category.13 Complex depression was defined furosemide lasix mechanism of action as ‘depression co-existing with personality disorder’.

To be classed as complex, 51% of trial participants had to have personality disorder (PD).14It is immediately clear from these definitions that there is a potential problem with attempting to categorise trial populations into just one of these categories. These populations are likely to overlap, whether or not a trial protocol sets out to explicitly record all of this information. The analysis below will illustrate this using examples from within the NICE review.Cataloguing complexity in trial populationsWithin the category furosemide lasix mechanism of action of further-line treatments (TRD), 64 trials were reviewed.

Comparisons within these trials were further subcategorised into ‘dose escalation strategies’, ‘augmentation strategies’ and ‘switching strategies’. In drilling down by way of illustration, this analysis considers the 51 trials furosemide lasix mechanism of action in the augmentation strategy evidence review. Of these, two were classified by the reviewers as also fulfilling the criteria for CD but were not analysed in the CD category (Study IDs.

Fonagy 2015 and Kocsis 200915). About half of the trials (23/51) did not report the mean duration of episode, furosemide lasix mechanism of action meaning that it is not possible to know what percentage of participants also met the criteria for CD. Of trials that did report episode duration, 17 reported a mean duration longer than 24 months.

While the standard deviations varied in size or were unreported, the mean indicates a good likelihood that a significant proportion of the participants across these 51 trials met the criteria for CD.Details of baseline employment, trauma history, suicidality, physical comorbidity, axis I comorbidity and PD furosemide lasix mechanism of action (all clinical indicators of complexity, severity and chronicity) were not collated by NICE. For the present analysis, all 51 publications were examined and data compiled concerning clinical complexity in the trial populations. Only 14 of 51 trials report employment data.

Of those that do, furosemide lasix mechanism of action unemployment ranges from 12% to 56% across trial samples. None of the trials report trauma history. About half of the trials (26/51) excluded people who were considered a furosemide lasix mechanism of action suicide risk.

The others did not.A large proportion of trials (30/51) did not provide any data on axis 1 comorbidity. Of these, 18 did not exclude any diagnoses, while 12 excluded some (but not all) disorders. The most common diagnoses excluded were psychotic furosemide lasix mechanism of action disorders, substance or alcohol abuse, and bipolar disorder (excluded in 26, 25 and 23 trials, respectively).

Only 7 of 51 trials clearly stated that all axis 1 diagnoses were excluded. This leaves only 13 studies providing any data furosemide lasix mechanism of action about comorbidity. Of these, 9 gave partial data on one or two conditions, while 4 reported either the mean number of disorders (range 1.96–2.9) or the percentage of participants (range 68.1–96.7) with any comorbid diagnosis (Nierenberg 2003a, Nierenberg 2006, Watkins 2011a, Town 201715).The majority of trials (46/51) did not report the prevalence of PD.

Many stated PD as an exclusion criterion but without defining a threshold for exclusion. For example, PD could be excluded if it ‘impacted’ the depression, if it furosemide lasix mechanism of action was ‘significant’, ‘severe’ or ‘persistent’. Some excluded certain PDs (such as antisocial or borderline) and not others but without reporting the prevalence of those not excluded.

In the five trials where prevalence was clear, prevalence ranged from 0% (Ravindran 2008a15), where all PDs were excluded, to 87.5% of the furosemide lasix mechanism of action sample (Town 201715). Two studies reported the mean number of PDs. 2.0 (Nierenberg 2003a) and 0.85 (Watkins 2011a15).The majority of trials (43/51) did not report the prevalence of physical illness.

Many stated illness as an exclusion criterion, but the definitions and thresholds were vague and could furosemide lasix mechanism of action be interpreted in different ways. For example, illness could be excluded if it was ‘unstable’, ‘serious’, ‘significant’, ‘relevant’, or would ‘contraindicate’ or ‘impact’ the medication. Of the eight trials reporting information about physical health, there was furosemide lasix mechanism of action a wide variation.

Four reported prevalence varying from 7.6% having a disability (Eisendrath 201615) to 90.9% having an illness or disability (Town 201715). Four used scales of physical health. Two indicating mild problems furosemide lasix mechanism of action (Nierenberg 2006, Lavretsky 201115) and two indicating moderately high levels of illness (Thase 2007, Fang 201015).The NICE review also divided trial populations into a dichotomy of ‘more severe’ and ‘less severe’ on the grounds that this would be a clinically useful classification for general practitioners.

NICE applied a bespoke methodology for creating this dichotomy, abandoning validated measure thresholds in order first to generate two ‘homogeneous’ groups to ‘facilitate analysis’, and second to create an algorithm to ‘read across’ different measures (such as the Beck Depression Inventory, the Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression (HRSD) and the Montgomery-Asberg Depression Rating Scale).16 Examining trials which use more than one of these measures reveals problems in the algorithm. Of the 51 trials, there are 6 instances in which the study population falls into NICE’s furosemide lasix mechanism of action more severe category according to one measure and into the less severe category according to another. In four of these trials, NICE chose the less severe category (Souza 2016, Watkins 2011a, Fonagy 2015, Town 201715).

The other two trials were designated more severe (Barbee 2011, Dunner 200715). Only 17 of 51 trials reported two or more depression furosemide lasix mechanism of action scale measures, leaving much unknown about whether other study populations could count as both more severe and less severe.Absence of knowledge or knowledge of absence?. A key philosophical error in science is to confuse an absence of knowledge with knowledge of absence.

It is likely that some of the study populations deemed lacking in complexity furosemide lasix mechanism of action or severity could actually have high degrees of complexity and/or severity. Data to demonstrate this may either fall foul of a guideline committee decision to prioritise certain information over other conflicting information (as in the severity algorithm). The information may be non-existent as it was not collected.

It may furosemide lasix mechanism of action be somewhere in the publication pipeline. Or it may be sitting in a database with a research team that has run out of funds for supplementary analyses. Wherever those data are or are not, their absence from published articles does not furosemide lasix mechanism of action define the phenomenology of depression for the patients who took part.

As a case in point, data from the Fonagy 2015 trial presented at conferences but not published reveal that PD prevalence data would place the trial well within the NICE complex depression category, and that the sample had high levels of past trauma and physical condition comorbidity. The trial also meets the guideline criteria for CD according to the guideline’s own appendices.17 Reported axis 1 comorbidity was high (75.2% had anxiety disorder, 18.6% had substance abuse disorder, 13.2% had eating disorder).18 The mean depression scores at baseline were 36.5 on the Beck Depression Inventory and 20.1 on the HRSD (severe and very severe, respectively, according to published cut-off scores). NICE categorised this population furosemide lasix mechanism of action as less severe TRD, not CD and not complex.Notes1.

Avram H. Mack et furosemide lasix mechanism of action al. (1994), “A Brief History of Psychiatric Classification.

From the Ancients to DSM-IV,” Psychiatric Clinics 17, no. 3. 515–9.2.

R. P. Snaith (1987), “The Concepts of Mild Depression,” British Journal of Psychiatry 150, no.

3. 387.3. Susan McPherson and David Armstrong (2006), “Social Determinants of Diagnostic Labels in Depression,” Social Science &.

Gerald N. Grob (1991), “Origins of DSM-I. A Study in Appearance and Reality,” The American Journal of Psychiatry.

421–31.5. Wilson M. Compton and Samuel B.

Guze (1995), “The Neo-Kraepelinian Revolution in Psychiatric Diagnosis,” European Archives of Psychiatry and Clinical Neuroscience 245, no. 4. 198–9.6.

Gerald L. Klerman (1984), “A Debate on DSM-III. The Advantages of DSM-III,” The American Journal of Psychiatry.

539–42.7. Thomas E. Schacht (1985), “DSM-III and the Politics of Truth,” American Psychologist.

Theurer (2018), “Psychiatry Should Not Seek Mechanisms of Disorder,” Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology 38, no. 4. 189–204.9.

Sami Timimi (2014), “No More Psychiatric Labels. Why Formal Psychiatric Diagnostic Systems Should Be Abolished,” Journal of Clinical and Health Psychology 14, no. 3.

208–15.10. Allen Frances et al. (1994), “DSM-IV Meets Philosophy,” The Journal of Medicine and Philosophy.

A Forum for Bioethics and Philosophy of Medicine 19, no. 3. 207–18.11.

Andrea Jobst et al. (2016), “European Psychiatric Association Guidance on Psychotherapy in Chronic Depression Across Europe,” European Psychiatry 33. 20.12.

National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (2018), Depression in Adults. Treatment and Management. Draft for Consultation, https://www.nice.org.uk/guidance/gid-cgwave0725/documents/full-guideline-updated, 507.13.

Ibid., 351–62.14. Ibid., 597.15. Note that in order to refer to specific trials reviewed in the guideline, rather than the full citation, the Study IDs from column A in appendix J5 have been used.

See www.nice.org.uk/guidance/gid-cgwave0725/documents/addendum-appendix-9 for details and full references.16. National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (2018), Depression in Adults. Treatment and Management.

Second Consultation on Draft Guideline – Stakeholder Comments Table, https://www.nice.org.uk/guidance/gid-cgwave0725/documents/consultation-comments-and-responses-2, 420–1.17. National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (2018), Depression in Adults, appendix J5.18. Peter Fonagy et al.

(2015), “Pragmatic Randomized Controlled Trial of Long-Term Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy for Treatment-Resistant Depression. The Tavistock Adult Depression Study (TADS),” World Psychiatry 14, no. 3.

312–21.19. American Psychological Association (2018), Clinical Practice Guideline for the Treatment of Depression in Children, Adolescents, and Young, Middle-aged, and Older Adults. Draft.20.

Jacqui Thornton (2018), “Depression in Adults. Campaigners and Doctors Demand Full Revision of NICE Guidance,” BMJ 361. K2681..

We live lasix online without prescription in unprecedented http://jaymagee.com/where-to-buy-cialis-in-australia/ times. But what makes them without parallel is not the current lasix crisis nor the continued problems facing minorities in our institutions. Rather, it’s that lasix online without prescription for the first time, the problems of accessibility, rights and freedoms are now invading privileged spaces.

There can be no ‘getting back to normal’, because ‘normal’ only ever benefited the white, Western, patriarchal, abled and cis ideals. For many, the world is not suddenly lasix online without prescription on fire. It has long been burning.The present lasix lays bare systemic prejudice against the most vulnerable among us.

We at Medical Humanities, with our focus on global health and social justice, welcome discussion about how the crisis has disproportionately affected racial and fiscal minorities, those from the disabled community, those who are LGBTQA+ and other vulnerable groups. What we focus on here, now, can lead to greater accessibility and equity in the future.In this expanded issue, we offer some of the incredible work being done across the field of medical humanities prior to the hypertension medications crisis, and lasix online without prescription we are already reviewing articles on the role of health humanities during the lasix. The process of academic publishing tends not to lend itself to immediacy, however, and the challenges of lasix means greater pressure on everyone, from the authors to the reviewers and readers.To remedy this, we at Medical Humanities have been increasing the work on our blog platform, a place where content can be quickly updated, and where conversations can occur among readers and writers.

We openly invite submissions concerning the lasix, as well as topics relevant to our wider lasix online without prescription CFP (call for posts/papers) this year on social justice and health, to both blog and journal. We will do our best to expedite. Finally, we have also been addressing social justice and access in our podcast, where we interviewed disability activist Alice Wong and most recently Dr Oni Blackstock, primary care physician and HIV specialist in New York.

We hope to have many more on these critical subjects.We wish all of you good health and safety and know that many of you are yet lasix online without prescription on the front lines. Thank you for being part of the community of Medical Humanities.IntroductionMinecraft is a computer game with no specific goals to accomplish. The gameworld lasix online without prescription consists of three-dimensional (3D) cubes and objects which the player (Steve) can mine and build into infinitely complex (and logically impossible) structures.

Steve sometimes encounters other characters (‘mobs’), such as animals and hostile creatures. He can ‘spawn’ and destroy them. While it looks like lasix online without prescription a harmless game of logical construction, it conveys some worryingly delusive ideas about the real world.

The difference between real and imagined structures is at the heart of the age-old debate around categorising mental disorders.Classification in mental health has had various forms throughout history. Mack and colleagues set out a history of psychiatric classification beginning lasix online without prescription in 2600 BC with Egyptian references to melancholia and hysteria. Through the Ancient Greeks with Hippocrates’ phrenitis, mania, melancholia, epilepsy, hysteria and Scythian disease.

Through the Renaissance period. Through to lasix online without prescription 19th-century psychiatry featuring Pinel (known as the first psychiatrist), Kraepelin (known for observational classification) and Freud (known for classifying neurosis and psychosis).1Although the history of psychiatric classification identifies some common trends such as the labels ‘melancholia’ and ‘hysteria’ which have survived millennia, the label ‘depression’ is relatively new. The earliest usage noted by Snaith is from 1899.

€˜in simple pathological depression…the patient exhibits a growing indifference to his former pursuits…’.2 Snaith noted that early 20th-century psychiatrists like Adolf Meyer hoped that ‘depression’ would come to encompass a broad lasix online without prescription category under which descriptions of subtypes would emerge. This did not happen until the middle of the 20th century. With the publication of the sixth International Classification of Diseases (ICD) in 1948 and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) in 1952 and their subsequent revisions, the latter half of the 20th century has seen depression subtype labels proliferate.

In their study of the social determinants of diagnostic labels in depression, McPherson and Armstrong illustrate how the codification of depression subtypes in the latter half of the 20th century has been shaped by the evolving context of psychiatry, including power struggles within the profession, a move to community care lasix online without prescription and the development of psychopharmacology.3During this period, McPherson and Armstrong describe how subsequent versions of the DSM served as battlegrounds for professional disputes and philosophical quarrels around categorisation of mental disorders. DSM I and DSM II have been described as products of an American Psychiatric Association dominated by psychoanalytic psychiatrists.4 DSM III and DSM III-R have been described as a radical rejection of psychoanalytic thinking, a ‘neo-Kraepelinian revolution’, a reference to the observational descriptive techniques of 19th-century psychiatrist Emil Kraepelin who classified mental disorders into two broad categories. €˜dementia praecox’ and ‘manic-depression’.5 DSM III was seen by some as a turning point in the use of the medical model of mental lasix online without prescription illness, through provision of specific inclusion and exclusion criteria, and use of field trials and a multiaxial system.6 These latter technocratic additions to psychiatric labelling served to engender a much closer alignment between psychiatry, science and medicine.The codification of mental disorders in manuals has been described by Thomas Schacht as intrinsic to the relationship between science and politics and the way in which psychiatrists gain significant social power by aligning themselves to science.7 His argument drew on Szasz, who saw the mental health establishment as a therapeutic state.

Zimbardo, who described psychiatric care as a controlling force. And Foucault, who described the categorisation of the mentally ill as a force for isolating ‘the other’. Diagnostic critique has been further developed through a cultural relativist lens in that what Western psychiatrists classify as a depression is constructed differently in other cultures.8 Considering these limitations, some critics have gone so far lasix online without prescription as to argue that psychiatric diagnostic systems should be abolished.9Yet architects of DSM manuals have worked hard to ensure the technology of classification is regarded as genuine scientific activity with sound roots in philosophy of science.

In their philosophical defence of DSM IV, Allen Frances and colleagues address their critics under the headings ‘nominalism vs realism’, ‘empiricism vs rationalism’ and ‘categorical vs dimensional’.10 The implication is that there are opposing stances in which a choice must be made or a middle ground forged by those reasonable enough to recognise the need for pragmatism in the service of clinical utility. The nominalism–realism debate is illustrated using as metaphor three different stances a cricket umpire might take lasix online without prescription on calling strikes and balls. The discussion sets out two of these as extreme views.

€˜at one extreme…those who take a reductionistically realistic view of the world’ versus ‘the solipsistic nominalists…might content that nothing exists’. Szasz, who is characterised as holding particularly extreme views, is named as an archetypal solipsist lasix online without prescription. There is implied to be a degree of arrogance associated with this view in the illustrative example in which the umpire states ‘there are no balls and there are no strikes until I call them’.

Frances therefore sets up a means of grouping two kinds of people as philosophical extremists who can be dismissed, while avoiding addressing the philosophical problems they pose.Frances provides little if any justification for the middle ground stance, ‘There are balls and there are strikes and I call them as I see them’, other than to focus on lasix online without prescription its clinical utility and the lack of clinical utility in the alternatives ‘naïve realism’ and ‘heuristically barren solipsism’. The natural conclusion the reader is invited to reach is that a middle ground of a heuristic concept is naturally right because it is not extreme and is naturally useful clinically, without specifying in what way this stance is coherent, resolves the two alternatives, and in what way a heuristic construct that is not ‘real’ can be subject to scientific testing.Similarly, in discussing the ‘categorical vs dimensional’, Frances promotes the ‘prototype approach’. Those holding opposing views are labelled as ‘dualists’ or ‘dichotomisers’.

The prototypical approach is again put forward as a clinically lasix online without prescription useful middle ground. Illustrations are drawn from natural science. €˜a triangle lasix online without prescription and a square are never the same’, inciting the reader to consider science as value-free.

The prototypical approach emerges as a natural solution, yet the authors do not address how a diagnostic prototype resolves the issues posed by the two alternatives, nor how a prototype can be subjected to natural science methods.The argument presented here is not a defence of solipsism or dualism. Rather it aims to illustrate that if for pragmatic purposes clinicians and policymakers choose to gloss over the philosophical flaws in classification practices, it is then risky to move beyond the heuristic and apply natural science methods to these constructs adding multiple layers of technocratic subclassification. Doing so lasix online without prescription is more like playing Minecraft than cricket.

The National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) guideline for depression is taken as an example of the philosophical errors that can follow from playing Minecraft with unsound heuristic devices, specifically subcategories of persistent forms of depression. As well lasix online without prescription as serving a clinical purpose, diagnosis in medicine is a way of allocating resources for insurance companies and constructing clinical guidelines, which in turn determine rationing within the National Health Service. The consequences for recipients of healthcare are therefore significant.

Clinical utility is arguably not being served at all and patients are left at risk of poor-quality care.Heterogeneity of persistent depressionAndrea Jobst and colleagues note that ‘because of their chronic clinical course, approximately 40% of CD [chronic depression] patients also fulfil criteria for TRD [treatment resistant depression]…usually defined by the number of non-successful biological treatments’.11 This position is reflected in the DSM VAmerican Psychiatric Association (2013), the European Psychiatric Association (EPA) guidance and the ICD-11(World Health Organisation, 2018), which all use a ‘persistent’ depression category, acknowledging a loosely defined mixed group of long-term, difficult-to-treat depressive conditions, often associated with dysthymia and comorbid common mental disorders, various personality traits and psychosocial disability.In contrast, the NICE 2018 draft guideline separates treatments into those for ‘new episodes’ of depression. €˜further-line’ treatment lasix online without prescription of depression (equivalent to TRD), CD and ‘depression with co-morbidities’. The latter is subdivided into treatments for ‘complex depression’ and ‘psychotic depression’.

These categories and subcategories introduce an unfortunate sense lasix online without prescription of certainty as though these labels represent real things. An analysis follows of how these definitions play out in terms of grouping of randomised controlled trials in the NICE evidence review. Specifically, the analysis reveals the overlap between populations in trials which have been separated into discrete categories, revealing significant limitations to the utility of the category labels.The NICE definition of CD requires trial samples to meet the criteria for major depressive disorder (MDD) for 2 years.

Dysthymia and double depression (MDD superimposed on dysthymia) were included lasix online without prescription. If 75% of the trial population met these criteria, the trial was reviewed in the CD category.12 The definition of TRD (or ‘further-line treatments’) required that the trial sample had demonstrated a ‘limited response to previous treatment’ and randomised to the further-line treatment at this point. If 80% of the trial participants met these criteria, lasix online without prescription it was reviewed in the TRD category.13 Complex depression was defined as ‘depression co-existing with personality disorder’.

To be classed as complex, 51% of trial participants had to have personality disorder (PD).14It is immediately clear from these definitions that there is a potential problem with attempting to categorise trial populations into just one of these categories. These populations are likely to overlap, whether or not a trial protocol sets out to explicitly record all of this information. The analysis below lasix online without prescription will illustrate this using examples from within the NICE review.Cataloguing complexity in trial populationsWithin the category of further-line treatments (TRD), 64 trials were reviewed.

Comparisons within these trials were further subcategorised into ‘dose escalation strategies’, ‘augmentation strategies’ and ‘switching strategies’. In drilling down by way of illustration, this analysis considers the 51 trials in the augmentation strategy lasix online without prescription evidence review. Of these, two were classified by the reviewers as also fulfilling the criteria for CD but were not analysed in the CD category (Study IDs.

Fonagy 2015 and Kocsis 200915). About half of lasix online without prescription the trials (23/51) did not report the mean duration of episode, meaning that it is not possible to know what percentage of participants also met the criteria for CD. Of trials that did report episode duration, 17 reported a mean duration longer than 24 months.

While the standard deviations varied in size or were unreported, the mean indicates a good likelihood that a significant proportion of the participants across these 51 trials met lasix online without prescription the criteria for CD.Details of baseline employment, trauma history, suicidality, physical comorbidity, axis I comorbidity and PD (all clinical indicators of complexity, severity and chronicity) were not collated by NICE. For the present analysis, all 51 publications were examined and data compiled concerning clinical complexity in the trial populations. Only 14 of 51 trials report employment data.

Of those that do, unemployment ranges lasix online without prescription from 12% to 56% across trial samples. None of the trials report trauma history. About half of the trials (26/51) excluded people who lasix online without prescription were considered a suicide risk.

The others did not.A large proportion of trials (30/51) did not provide any data on axis 1 comorbidity. Of these, 18 did not exclude any diagnoses, while 12 excluded some (but not all) disorders. The most common diagnoses excluded were lasix online without prescription psychotic disorders, substance or alcohol abuse, and bipolar disorder (excluded in 26, 25 and 23 trials, respectively).

Only 7 of 51 trials clearly stated that all axis 1 diagnoses were excluded. This leaves only 13 studies lasix online without prescription providing any data about comorbidity. Of these, 9 gave partial data on one or two conditions, while 4 reported either the mean number of disorders (range 1.96–2.9) or the percentage of participants (range 68.1–96.7) with any comorbid diagnosis (Nierenberg 2003a, Nierenberg 2006, Watkins 2011a, Town 201715).The majority of trials (46/51) did not report the prevalence of PD.

Many stated PD as an exclusion criterion but without defining a threshold for exclusion. For example, PD could be lasix online without prescription excluded if it ‘impacted’ the depression, if it was ‘significant’, ‘severe’ or ‘persistent’. Some excluded certain PDs (such as antisocial or borderline) and not others but without reporting the prevalence of those not excluded.

In the five trials where prevalence lasix online without prescription was clear, prevalence ranged from 0% (Ravindran 2008a15), where all PDs were excluded, to 87.5% of the sample (Town 201715). Two studies reported the mean number of PDs. 2.0 (Nierenberg 2003a) and 0.85 (Watkins 2011a15).The majority of trials (43/51) did not report the prevalence of physical illness.

Many stated illness as lasix online without prescription an exclusion criterion, but the definitions and thresholds were vague and could be interpreted in different ways. For example, illness could be excluded if it was ‘unstable’, ‘serious’, ‘significant’, ‘relevant’, or would ‘contraindicate’ or ‘impact’ the medication. Of the eight trials reporting information about physical health, lasix online without prescription there was a wide variation.

Four reported prevalence varying from 7.6% having a disability (Eisendrath 201615) to 90.9% having an illness or disability (Town 201715). Four used scales of physical health. Two indicating mild problems (Nierenberg 2006, Lavretsky 201115) and two indicating moderately high levels of illness (Thase 2007, Fang 201015).The NICE review also divided trial populations into a dichotomy of ‘more severe’ and ‘less severe’ on the grounds that this would be a clinically useful classification for lasix online without prescription general practitioners.

NICE applied a bespoke methodology for creating this dichotomy, abandoning validated measure thresholds in order first to generate two ‘homogeneous’ groups to ‘facilitate analysis’, and second to create an algorithm to ‘read across’ different measures (such as the Beck Depression Inventory, the Hamilton Rating Scale for Depression (HRSD) and the Montgomery-Asberg Depression Rating Scale).16 Examining trials which use more than one of these measures reveals problems in the algorithm. Of the 51 trials, there are 6 instances in which the study population falls into NICE’s more severe category according to one measure and into the less severe category lasix online without prescription according to another. In four of these trials, NICE chose the less severe category (Souza 2016, Watkins 2011a, Fonagy 2015, Town 201715).

The other two trials were designated more severe (Barbee 2011, Dunner 200715). Only 17 of 51 trials reported two or more depression scale measures, leaving much unknown about whether other study populations could count as both more lasix online without prescription severe and less severe.Absence of knowledge or knowledge of absence?. A key philosophical error in science is to confuse an absence of knowledge with knowledge of absence.

It is likely lasix online without prescription that some of the study populations deemed lacking in complexity or severity could actually have high degrees of complexity and/or severity. Data to demonstrate this may either fall foul of a guideline committee decision to prioritise certain information over other conflicting information (as in the severity algorithm). The information may be non-existent as it was not collected.

It may lasix online without prescription be somewhere in the publication pipeline. Or it may be sitting in a database with a research team that has run out of funds for supplementary analyses. Wherever those data are or are not, their absence from published articles does not define the phenomenology of depression for the lasix online without prescription patients who took part.

As a case in point, data from the Fonagy 2015 trial presented at conferences but not published reveal that PD prevalence data would place the trial well within the NICE complex depression category, and that the sample had high levels of past trauma and physical condition comorbidity. The trial also meets the guideline criteria for CD according to the guideline’s own appendices.17 Reported axis 1 comorbidity was high (75.2% had anxiety disorder, 18.6% had substance abuse disorder, 13.2% had eating disorder).18 The mean depression scores at baseline were 36.5 on the Beck Depression Inventory and 20.1 on the HRSD (severe and very severe, respectively, according to published cut-off scores). NICE categorised this lasix online without prescription population as less severe TRD, not CD and not complex.Notes1.

Avram H. Mack et lasix online without prescription al. (1994), “A Brief History of Psychiatric Classification.

From the Ancients to DSM-IV,” Psychiatric Clinics 17, no. 3. 515–9.2.

R. P. Snaith (1987), “The Concepts of Mild Depression,” British Journal of Psychiatry 150, no.

3. 387.3. Susan McPherson and David Armstrong (2006), “Social Determinants of Diagnostic Labels in Depression,” Social Science &.

Gerald N. Grob (1991), “Origins of DSM-I. A Study in Appearance and Reality,” The American Journal of Psychiatry.

421–31.5. Wilson M. Compton and Samuel B.

Guze (1995), “The Neo-Kraepelinian Revolution in Psychiatric Diagnosis,” European Archives of Psychiatry and Clinical Neuroscience 245, no. 4. 198–9.6.

Gerald L. Klerman (1984), “A Debate on DSM-III. The Advantages of DSM-III,” The American Journal of Psychiatry.

539–42.7. Thomas E. Schacht (1985), “DSM-III and the Politics of Truth,” American Psychologist.

Theurer (2018), “Psychiatry Should Not Seek Mechanisms of Disorder,” Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology 38, no. 4. 189–204.9.

Sami Timimi (2014), “No More Psychiatric Labels. Why Formal Psychiatric Diagnostic Systems Should Be Abolished,” Journal of Clinical and Health Psychology 14, no. 3.

208–15.10. Allen Frances et al. (1994), “DSM-IV Meets Philosophy,” The Journal of Medicine and Philosophy.

A Forum for Bioethics and Philosophy of Medicine 19, no. 3. 207–18.11.

Andrea Jobst et al. (2016), “European Psychiatric Association Guidance on Psychotherapy in Chronic Depression Across Europe,” European Psychiatry 33. 20.12.

National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (2018), Depression in Adults. Treatment and Management. Draft for Consultation, https://www.nice.org.uk/guidance/gid-cgwave0725/documents/full-guideline-updated, 507.13.

Ibid., 351–62.14. Ibid., 597.15. Note that in order to refer to specific trials reviewed in the guideline, rather than the full citation, the Study IDs from column A in appendix J5 have been used.

See www.nice.org.uk/guidance/gid-cgwave0725/documents/addendum-appendix-9 for details and full references.16. National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (2018), Depression in Adults. Treatment and Management.

Second Consultation on Draft Guideline – Stakeholder Comments Table, https://www.nice.org.uk/guidance/gid-cgwave0725/documents/consultation-comments-and-responses-2, 420–1.17. National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (2018), Depression in Adults, appendix J5.18. Peter Fonagy et al.

(2015), “Pragmatic Randomized Controlled Trial of Long-Term Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy for Treatment-Resistant Depression. The Tavistock Adult Depression Study (TADS),” World Psychiatry 14, no. 3.

312–21.19. American Psychological Association (2018), Clinical Practice Guideline for the Treatment of Depression in Children, Adolescents, and Young, Middle-aged, and Older Adults. Draft.20.

Jacqui Thornton (2018), “Depression in Adults. Campaigners and Doctors Demand Full Revision of NICE Guidance,” BMJ 361. K2681..

How should I use Lasix?

Take Lasix by mouth with a glass of water. You may take Lasix with or without food. If it upsets your stomach, take it with food or milk. Do not take your medicine more often than directed. Remember that you will need to pass more urine after taking Lasix. Do not take your medicine at a time of day that will cause you problems. Do not take at bedtime.

Talk to your pediatrician regarding the use of Lasix in children. While this drug may be prescribed for selected conditions, precautions do apply.

Overdosage: If you think you have taken too much of Lasix contact a poison control center or emergency room at once.

NOTE: Lasix is only for you. Do not share Lasix with others.

Lasix water pill 20mg

Shutterstock Bicameral legislation lasix water pill 20mg introduced Oct. 9 would expand access to Harm Reduction Centers throughout New Jersey.Harm Reduction Centers provide sterile syringes and supplies to drug users. They also provide screening for HIV and other sexually transmitted lasix water pill 20mg s.

Screening Hepatitis C. Treatment and pre- and post-exposure prophylaxis services. Naloxone and overdose prevention lasix water pill 20mg education.

And resources for critical services such as HIV care.In addition, they provide connections to housing, counseling, support groups, and essential health services such as medication for opioid-use disorder, substance use disorder treatment, and prenatal care.New Jersey made its state syringe-access program permanent in 2016, but there are few centers statewide.The bill would remove regulations that often prevent the establishment of Harm Reduction Centers.“The current battle against hypertension medications makes Harm Reduction expansion even more urgent, as we are facing the lasix on top of the existing overdose crisis, rising Hepatitis C s, and the ongoing HIV Epidemic,” Axel Torres Marrero, Hyacinth AIDS Foundation Senior Director of Public Policy and Legal Services, said. Sen. Joseph Vitale (D-Middlesex) and Assemblywoman Valerie Vainieri Huttle (D-Bergen) introduced the bill.

According to studies, drug users with access to Harm Reduction Centers are five times more likely to stop chaotic- substance use and 50 percent less likely to acquire Hepatitis C or HIV..

Shutterstock Bicameral legislation http://heidimyworld.com/?p=1 introduced lasix online without prescription Oct. 9 would expand access to Harm Reduction Centers throughout New Jersey.Harm Reduction Centers provide sterile syringes and supplies to drug users. They also provide screening for HIV and other lasix online without prescription sexually transmitted s. Screening Hepatitis C.

Treatment and pre- and post-exposure prophylaxis services. Naloxone and overdose prevention education lasix online without prescription. And resources for critical services such as HIV care.In addition, they provide connections to housing, counseling, support groups, and essential health services such as medication for opioid-use disorder, substance use disorder treatment, and prenatal care.New Jersey made its state syringe-access program permanent in 2016, but there are few centers statewide.The bill would remove regulations that often prevent the establishment of Harm Reduction Centers.“The current battle against hypertension medications makes Harm Reduction expansion even more urgent, as we are facing the lasix on top of the existing overdose crisis, rising Hepatitis C s, and the ongoing HIV Epidemic,” Axel Torres Marrero, Hyacinth AIDS Foundation Senior Director of Public Policy and Legal Services, said. Sen.

Joseph Vitale (D-Middlesex) and Assemblywoman Valerie Vainieri Huttle (D-Bergen) introduced the bill. According to studies, drug users with access to Harm Reduction Centers are five times more likely to stop chaotic- substance use and 50 percent less likely to acquire Hepatitis C or HIV..

How long before lasix works

WASHINGTON, DC – Since the how long before lasix works start of the hypertension lasix through Dec. 24, 2020, the U.S. Department of Labor’s Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) has issued how long before lasix works citations arising from 295 inspections for violations relating to hypertension, resulting in proposed penalties totaling $3,849,222.

OSHA inspections have resulted in the agency citing employers for violations, including failures to. OSHA has already announced citations relating to the hypertension arising out of 278 inspections, which can be found at dol.gov/newsroom. In addition how long before lasix works to those inspections, the seventeen inspections below have resulted in hypertension-related citations totaling $152,101 from OSHA relating to one or more of the above violations from Dec.

18 to Dec. 24, 2020. OSHA provides more information about individual citations at its Establishment Search website, how long before lasix works which it updates periodically.

Establishment Name Inspection # City State Initial Penalty MHM Health Professionals, Inc. 1480141 Buford Georgia $8,675 Honey Brook Medical Investors Limited Partnership 1480975 Honey Brook Pennsylvania $12,145 Brewster Ambulance Service 1481452 Weymouth Massachusetts $12,145 Corizon Health, Inc. 1481681 Philadelphia Pennsylvania $13,494 Brookwood Management Company, LLC 1481739 Westerville Ohio $13,494 Billings Partners, LLC 1482675 Billings Montana how long before lasix works $1,928 Nogales Produce Inc.

1486026 Dallas Texas $10,410 HLTC, INC. 1488181 Dalton Georgia $12,145 Aveanna Healthcare, LLC 1488558 Houston Texas $9,639 how long before lasix works Majestic Care 1491524 Whitehall Ohio $13,494 Altman Specialty Plants, LLC. 1502001 Giddings Texas $1,928 Glen Haven Health and Rehabilitation, L.L.C.

1481181 Northport Alabama $12,145 Butterball LLC 1482688 Carthage Missouri $9,639 Sacred Heart Health System 1482790 Pensacola Florida $0 NF River Chase, LLC 1489447 Quincy Florida $8,675 Alliance Community For Retirement Living 1491196 Deland Florida $12,145 A full list of what standards were cited for each establishment – and the inspection number – are available here. An OSHA standards database can be found here how long before lasix works. Resources are available on the agency’s hypertension medications webpage to help employers comply with these standards.

Under the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970, employers are responsible for providing safe and healthful workplaces for their employees. OSHA’s role is to help ensure these conditions for how long before lasix works America’s working men and women by setting and enforcing standards, and providing training, education and assistance. For more information, visit www.osha.gov.

The mission of the Department of Labor is to foster, promote and develop the welfare of the wage earners, job seekers and retirees of the United States. Improve working how long before lasix works conditions. Advance opportunities for profitable employment.

And assure work-related benefits and rights..

WASHINGTON, DC – Since the start of the hypertension lasix through Dec lasix online without prescription. 24, 2020, the U.S. Department of Labor’s Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) has issued citations arising lasix online without prescription from 295 inspections for violations relating to hypertension, resulting in proposed penalties totaling $3,849,222. OSHA inspections have resulted in the agency citing employers for violations, including failures to.

OSHA has already announced citations relating to the hypertension arising out of 278 inspections, which can be found at dol.gov/newsroom. In addition to those inspections, the seventeen inspections below have resulted in hypertension-related citations totaling $152,101 from OSHA relating to one lasix online without prescription or more of the above violations from Dec. 18 to Dec. 24, 2020.

OSHA provides more information about individual citations at its Establishment Search lasix online without prescription website, which it updates periodically. Establishment Name Inspection # City State Initial Penalty MHM Health Professionals, Inc. 1480141 Buford Georgia $8,675 Honey Brook Medical Investors Limited Partnership 1480975 Honey Brook Pennsylvania $12,145 Brewster Ambulance Service 1481452 Weymouth Massachusetts $12,145 Corizon Health, Inc. 1481681 Philadelphia Pennsylvania $13,494 lasix online without prescription Brookwood Management Company, LLC 1481739 Westerville Ohio $13,494 Billings Partners, LLC 1482675 Billings Montana $1,928 Nogales Produce Inc.

1486026 Dallas Texas $10,410 HLTC, INC. 1488181 Dalton Georgia $12,145 Aveanna Healthcare, LLC 1488558 Houston Texas $9,639 Majestic Care 1491524 Whitehall Ohio $13,494 Altman Specialty Plants, LLC. 1502001 Giddings Texas $1,928 Glen Haven Health and Rehabilitation, L.L.C. 1481181 Northport Alabama $12,145 Butterball LLC 1482688 Carthage Missouri $9,639 Sacred Heart Health System 1482790 Pensacola Florida $0 NF River Chase, LLC 1489447 Quincy Florida $8,675 Alliance Community For Retirement Living 1491196 Deland Florida $12,145 A full list of what standards were cited for each establishment – and the inspection number – are available here.

An OSHA standards database can be found here. Resources are available on the agency’s hypertension medications webpage to help employers comply with these standards. Under the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970, employers are responsible for providing safe and healthful workplaces for their employees. OSHA’s role is to help ensure these conditions for America’s working men and women by setting and enforcing standards, and providing training, education and assistance.

For more information, visit www.osha.gov. The mission of the Department of Labor is to foster, promote and develop the welfare of the wage earners, job seekers and retirees of the United States. Improve working conditions. Advance opportunities for profitable employment.

And assure work-related benefits and rights..

Lasix symptoms

AbstractBrazil is currently home to the largest how to get prescribed lasix Japanese lasix symptoms population outside of Japan. In Brazil today, Japanese-Brazilians are considered to be successful members of Brazilian society. This was not always the case, however, and Japanese immigrants to Brazil endured much lasix symptoms hardship to attain their current level of prestige.

This essay explores this community’s trajectory towards the formation of the Japanese-Brazilian identity and the issues of mental health that arise in this immigrant community. Through the analysis of Japanese-Brazilian novels, TV shows, film and public health studies, I seek to disentangle the themes of gender and modernisation, and how these themes concurrently grapple with Japanese-Brazilian mental health issues. These fictional narratives provide a lens into the experience of the Japanese-Brazilian community that is unavailable in traditional medical studies about their mental health.filmliterature and medicinemental health caregender studiesmedical humanitiesData availability statementData are available in a public, open access repository.Introduction and philosophical backgroundWork in the medical humanities has noted the importance of the ‘medical gaze’ and how it may ‘see’ the patient in ways which are specific, while possessing broad significance, in relation to developing medical knowledge lasix symptoms.

To diagnosis. And to the social position of the medical profession.1 Some authors have emphasised that vision is a distinctive modality of perception which merits its lasix symptoms own consideration, and which may have a particular role to play in medical education and understanding.2 3 The clothing we wear has a strong impact on how we are perceived. For example, commentary in this journal on the ‘white coat’ observes that while it may rob the medical doctor of individuality, it nonetheless grants an elevated status4.

In contrast, the patient hospital gown may rob patients of individuality in a way that stigmatises them,5 reducing their status in the ward, and ultimately dehumanises them, in conflict with the humanistic approaches seen as central to the best practice in the care of older patients, and particularly those living with dementia.6The broad context of our concern is the visibility of patients and their needs. We draw on observations made during lasix symptoms an ethnographic study of the everyday care of people living with dementia within acute hospital wards, to consider how patients’ clothing may impact on the way they were perceived by themselves and by others. Hence, we draw on this ethnography to contribute to discussion of the ‘medical gaze’ in a specific and informative context.The acute setting illustrates a situation in which there are great many biomedical, technical, recording, and timetabled routine task-oriented demands, organised and delivered by different staff members, together with demands for care and attention to particular individuals and an awareness of their needs.

Within this ward setting, we focus on patients who are living with dementia, since this group may be particularly vulnerable to a dehumanising gaze.6 We frame our discussion within the broader context of the general philosophical question of how we acquire knowledge of different types, and the moral consequences of this, particularly knowledge through visual perception.Debates throughout the history of philosophy raise questions about the nature and sources of our knowledge. Contrasts are often drawn between more reliable or less reliable lasix symptoms knowledge. And between knowledge that is more technical or ‘objective’, and knowledge that is more emotionally based or more ‘subjective’.

A frequent point of discussion is lasix symptoms the reliability and characteristics of perception as a source of knowledge. This epistemological discussion is mostly focused on vision, indicating its particular importance as a mode of perception to humans.7Likewise, in ethics, there is discussion of the origin of our moral knowledge and the particular role of perception.8 There is frequent recognition that the observer has some significant role in acquiring moral knowledge. Attention to qualities of the moral observer is not in itself a denial of moral reality.

Indeed, it is the very essence of an ethical response to the world to recognise the deep reality lasix symptoms of others as separate persons. The nature of ethical attention to the world and to those around us is debated and has been articulated in various ways. The quality of ethical attention may vary and achieving a high level of ethical attention may require certain conditions, certain virtues, and the time and mental space to attend to the situation and claims of the other.9Consideration has already been given to how different modes of attention to the world might be of relevance to the practice of medicine.

Work that examines different ways of processing information, and lasix symptoms of interacting with and being in the world, can be found in Iain McGilchrist’s The Master and His Emissary,10 where he draws on neurological discoveries and applies his ideas to the development of human culture. McGilchrist has recently expanded on the relevance of understanding two different approaches to knowledge for the practice of medicine.11 He argues that task-oriented perception, and a wider, more emotionally attuned awareness of the environment are necessary partners, but may in some circumstances compete, with the competitive edge often being given to the narrower, task-based attention.There has been critique of McGilchrist’s arguments as well as much support. We find his work a useful framework for understanding important debates in the ethics of medicine and of lasix symptoms nursing about relationships of staff to patients.

In particular, it helps to illuminate the consequences of patients’ dress and personal appearance for how they are seen and treated.Dementia and personal appearanceOur work focuses on patients living with dementia admitted to acute hospital wards. Here, they are a large group, present alongside older patients unaffected by dementia, as well as younger patients. This mixed population provides a useful setting to consider the impact of personal appearance lasix symptoms on different patient groups.The role of appearance in the presentation of the self has been explored extensively by Tseëlon,12 13 drawing on Goffman’s work on stigma5 and the presentation of the self14 using interactionist approaches.

Drawing on the experiences on women in the UK, Tseëlon argues Goffman’s interactionist approach best supports how we understand the relationship appearance plays in self presentation, and its relationships with other signs and interactions surrounding it. Tseëlon suggests that understandings in this area, in the role appearance and clothing have in the presentation of the self, have been restricted by the perceived trivialities of the topic and limited to the field of fashion studies.15The personal appearance of older patients, and patients living with dementia in particular, has, more recently, been shown to be worthy of attention and of particular significance. Older people are often assumed to be lasix symptoms left out of fashion, yet a concern with appearance remains.16 17 Lack of attention to clothing and to personal care may be one sign of the varied symptoms associated with cognitive impairment or dementia, and so conversely, attention to appearance is one way of combatting the stigma associated with dementia.

Families and carers may also feel the importance of personal appearance. The significant body of work by Twigg and Buse in this field in particular draws attention to the role clothing lasix symptoms has on preserving the identity and dignity or people living with dementia, while also constraining and enabling elements of care within long-term community settings.16–19 Within this paper, we examine the ways in which these phenomena can be even more acutely felt within the impersonal setting of the acute hospital.Work has also shown how people living with dementia strongly retain a felt, bodily appreciation for the importance of personal appearance. The comfort and sensuous feel of familiar clothing may remain, even after cognitive capacities such as the ability to recognise oneself in a mirror, or verbal fluency, are lost.18 More strongly still, Kontos,20–22 drawing on the work of Merleau-Ponty and of Bourdieu, has convincingly argued that this attention to clothing and personal appearance is an important aspect of the maintenance of a bodily sense of self, which is also socially mediated, in part via such attention to appearance.

Our observations lend support to Kontos’ hypothesis.Much of this previous work has considered clothing in the everyday life of people living with dementia in the context of community or long-term residential care.18 Here, we look at the visual impact of clothing and appearance in the different setting of the hospital ward and consider the consequent implications for patient care. This setting enables us to consider how the short-term and unfamiliar environments of the acute ward, together with the contrast between personal and institutional attire, impact on the perception of the patient by self and by others.There is a body of literature that examines the work of restoring the appearance of residents within long-term community care settings, for instance Ward et al’s work that demonstrates the importance of hair and grooming as a key component of care.23 24 The work of Iltanen-Tähkävuori25 examines the usage of garments designed for long-term care settings, exploring the conflict between clothing used to prevent undressing or facilitate the delivery of care, and the distress such clothing can cause, being powerfully symbolic of lower lasix symptoms social status and associated with reduced autonomy.26 27Within this literature, there has also been a significant focus on the role of clothing, appearance and the tasks of personal care surrounding it, on the older female body. A corpus of feminist literature has examined the ageing process and the use of clothing to conceal ageing, the presentation of a younger self, or a ‘certain’ age28 It argues that once the ability to conceal the ageing process through clothing and grooming has been lost, the aged person must instead conceal themselves, dressing to hide themselves and becoming invisible in the process.29 This paper will explore how institutional clothing within hospital wards affects both the male and female body, the presentation of the ageing body and its role in reinforcing the invisibility of older people, at a time when they are paradoxically most visible, unclothed and undressed, or wearing institutional clothing within the hospital ward.Institutional clothing is designed and used to fulfil a practical function.

Its use may therefore perhaps incline us towards a ‘task-based’ mode of attention, which as McGilchrist argues,10 while having a vital place in our understanding of the world, may on occasion interfere with the forms of attention that may be needed to deliver good person-oriented care responsive to individual needs.MethodsEthnography involves the in-depth study of people’s actions and accounts within their natural everyday setting, collecting relatively unstructured data from a range of sources.30 Importantly, it can take into account the perspectives of patients, carers and hospital staff.31 Our approach to ethnography is informed by the symbolic interactionist research tradition, which aims to provide an interpretive understanding of the social world, with an emphasis on interaction, focusing on understanding how action and meaning are constructed within a setting.32 The value of this approach is the depth of understanding and theory generation it can provide.33The goal of ethnography is to identify social processes within the data. There are multiple complex and nuanced interactions within these clinical settings that are capable of ‘communicating many lasix symptoms messages at once, even of subverting on one level what it appears to be “saying” on another’.34 Thus, it is important to observe interaction and performance. How everyday care work is organised and delivered.

By obtaining observational data from within each institution on the everyday work of hospital wards, their family carers and the nursing and healthcare assistants (HCAs) who carry out this work, we can explore the ways in which hospital organisation, procedures lasix symptoms and everyday care impact on care during a hospital admission. It remedies a common weakness in many qualitative studies, that what people say in interviews may differ from what they do or their private justifications to others.35Data collection (observations and interviews) and analysis were informed by the analytic tradition of grounded theory.36 There was no prior hypothesis testing and we used the constant comparative method and theoretical sampling whereby data collection (observation and interview data) and analysis are inter-related,36 37 and are carried out concurrently.38 39 The flexible nature of this approach is important, because it can allow us to increase the ‘analytic incisiveness’35 of the study. Preliminary analysis of data collected from individual sites informed the focus of later stages of sampling, data collection and analysis in other sites.Thus, sampling requires a flexible, pragmatic approach and purposive and maximum variation sampling (theoretical sampling) was used.

This included five hospitals lasix symptoms selected to represent a range of hospitals types, geographies and socioeconomic catchments. Five hospitals were purposefully selected to represent a range of hospitals types. Two large university teaching hospitals, two medium-sized general hospitals and one smaller general hospital.

This included one urban, two inner city and two hospitals covering a mix of rural and suburban catchment areas, all situated within England and Wales.These sites represented a range of expertise and interventions in caring lasix symptoms for people with dementia, from no formal expertise to the deployment of specialist dementia workers. Fractures, nutritional disorders, urinary tract and pneumonia40 41 are among the principal causes of admission to acute hospital settings among people with dementia. Thus, we focused observation within trauma and orthopaedic wards lasix symptoms (80 days) and medical assessment units (MAU.

75 days).Across these sites, 155 days of observational fieldwork were carried out. At each of the five sites, a minimum of 30 days observation took place, split between the two ward types. Observations were carried out by two researchers, each working in clusters of 2–4 days over a 6-week period at lasix symptoms each site.

A single day of observation could last a minimum of 2 hours and a maximum of 12 hours. A total of 684 hours of observation were conducted for this study. This produced approximately 600 000 words of observational fieldnotes that were transcribed, cleaned and anonymised (by KF and lasix symptoms AN).

We also carried out ethnographic (during observation) interviews with trauma and orthopaedic ward (192 ethnographic interviews and 22 group interviews) and MAU (222 ethnographic interviews) staff (including nurses, HCAs, auxiliary and support staff and medical teams) as they cared for this patient group. This allowed us to question lasix symptoms what they are doing and why, and what are the caring practices of ward staff when interacting with people living with dementia.Patients within these settings with a diagnosis of dementia were identified through ward nursing handover notes, patient records and board data with the assistance of ward staff. Following the provision of written and verbal information about the study, and the expression of willingness to take part, written consent was taken from patients, staff and visitors directly observed or spoken to as part of the study.To optimise the generalisability of our findings,42 our approach emphasises the importance of comparisons across sites,43 with theoretical saturation achieved following the search for negative cases, and on exploring a diverse and wide range of data.

When no additional empirical data were found, we concluded that the analytical categories were saturated.36 44Grounded theory and ethnography are complementary traditions, with grounded theory strengthening the ethnographic aims of achieving a theoretical interpretation of the data, while the ethnographic approach prevents a rigid application of grounded theory.35 Using an ethnographic approach can mean that everything within a setting is treated as data, which can lead to large volumes of unconnected data and a descriptive analysis.45 This approach provides a middle ground in which the ethnographer, often seen as a passive observer of the social world, uses grounded theory to provide a systematic approach to data collection and analysis that can be used to develop theory to address the interpretive realities of participants within this setting.35Patient and public involvementThe data presented in this paper are drawn from a wider ethnographic study supported by an advisory group of people living with dementia and their family carers. It was this advisory group that informed us of the need of a better understanding of the impacts of the everyday care received by people living with dementia in acute lasix symptoms hospital settings. The authors met with this group on a regular basis throughout the study, and received guidance on both the design of the study and the format of written materials used to recruit participants to the study.

The external oversight group for this study included, and was chaired, by carers of people living with dementia. Once data analysis was complete, the advisory group commented on lasix symptoms our initial findings and recommendations. During and on completion of the analysis, a series of public consultation events were held with people living with dementia and family carers to ensure their involvement in discussing, informing and refining our analysis.FindingsWithin this paper, we focus on exploring the medical gaze through the embedded institutional cultures of patient clothing, and the implications this have for patients living with dementia within acute hospital wards.

These findings emerged from our wider analysis of our ethnographic study examining ward cultures lasix symptoms of care and the experiences of people living with dementia. Here, we examine the ways in which the cultures of clothing within wards impact on the visibility of patients within it, what clothing and identity mean within the ward and the ways in which clothing can be a source of distress. We will look at how personal grooming and appearance can affect status within the ward, and finally explore the removal of clothing, and the impacts of its absence.Ward clothing culturesAcross our sites, there was variation in the cultures of patient clothing and dress.

Within many lasix symptoms wards, it was typical for all older patients to be dressed in hospital-issued institutional gowns and pyjamas (typically in pastel blue, pink, green or peach), paired with hospital supplied socks (usually bright red, although there was some small variation) with non-slip grip soles, while in other wards, it was standard practice for people to be supported to dress in their own clothes. Across all these wards, we observed that younger patients (middle aged/working age) were more likely to be able to wear their own clothes while admitted to a ward, than older patients and those with a dementia diagnosis.Among key signifiers of social status and individuality are the material things around the person, which in these hospital wards included the accoutrements around the bedside. Significantly, it was observed that people living with dementia were more likely to be wearing an institutional hospital gown or institutional pyjamas, and to have little to individuate the person at the bedside, on either their cabinet or the mobile tray table at their bedside.

The wearing of institutional clothing was lasix symptoms typically connected to fewer personal items on display or within reach of the patient, with any items tidied away out of sight. In contrast, younger working age patients often had many personal belongings, cards, gadgets, books, media players, with young adults also often having a range of ‘get well soon’ gifts, balloons and so on from the hospital gift shop) on display. This both afforded some elements of familiarity, but also marked the person out as someone with individuality and a certain social standing and place.Visibility of patients on a wardThe significance of lasix symptoms the obscurity or invisibility of the patient in artworks depicting doctors has been commented on.4 Likewise, we observed that some patients within these wards were much more ‘visible’ to staff than others.

It was often apparent how the wearing of personal clothing could make the patient and their needs more readily visible to others as a person. This may be especially so given the contrast in appearance clothing may produce in this particular setting. On occasion, this may be remarked on by staff, and the resulting attention received favourably by the patient.A member of the bay team returned to a patient and found her freshly dressed in a white tee shirt, navy slacks and black velvet lasix symptoms slippers and exclaimed aloud and appreciatively, ‘Wow, look at you!.

€™ The patient looked pleased as she sat and combed her hair [site 3 day 1].Such a simple act of recognition as someone with a socially approved appearance takes on a special significance in the context of an acute hospital ward, and for patients living with dementia whose personhood may be overlooked in various ways.46This question of visibility of patients may also be particularly important when people living with dementia may be less able to make their needs and presence known. In this example, a whole bay of patients was seemingly ‘invisible’. Here, the ethnographer is observing lasix symptoms a four-bed bay occupied by male patients living with dementia.The man in bed 17 is sitting in his bedside chair.

He is dressed in green hospital issue pyjamas and yellow grip socks. At 10 a.m., the physiotherapy team come and see lasix symptoms him. The physiotherapist crouches down in front of him and asks him how he is.

He says he is unhappy, and the physiotherapist explains that she’ll be back later to see him again. The nurse lasix symptoms checks on him, asks him if he wants a pillow, and puts it behind his head explaining to him, ‘You need to sit in the chair for a bit’. She pulls his bedside trolley near to him.

With the help of a Healthcare Assistant they make the bed. The Healthcare Assistant chats to him, puts cake out for him, and puts a blanket over his legs lasix symptoms. He is shaking slightly and I wonder if he is cold.The nurse explains to me, ‘The problem is this is a really unstimulating environment’, then says to the patient, ‘All done, let’s have a bit of a tidy up,’ before wheeling the equipment out.The neighbouring patient in bed 18, is now sitting in his bedside chair, wearing (his own) striped pyjamas.

His eyes are open, and lasix symptoms he is looking around. After a while, he closes his eyes and dozes. The team chat to patient 19 behind the curtains.

He says he doesn’t want to sit, and they say that is fine unless the doctors tell them otherwise.The nurse lasix symptoms puts music on an old radio with a CD player which is at the doorway near the ward entrance. It sounds like music from a musical and the ward it is quite noisy suddenly. She turns down the volume a bit, but it is very jaunty and upbeat.

The man in bed 19 lasix symptoms quietly sings along to the songs. €˜I am going to see my baby when I go home on victory day…’At ten thirty, the nurse goes off on her break. The rest of the team are spread lasix symptoms around the other bays and side rooms.

There are long distances between bays within this ward. After all the earlier activity it is now very calm and peaceful in the bay. Patient 20 is sitting in the chair tapping his feet to lasix symptoms the music.

He has taken out a large hessian shopping bag out of his cabinet and is sorting through the contents. There is a lot of paperwork in it which he is reading through closely and sorting.Opposite, patient 17 lasix symptoms looks very uncomfortable. He is sitting with two pillows behind his back but has slipped down the chair.

His head is in his hands and he suddenly looks in pain. He hasn’t touched lasix symptoms his tea, and is talking to himself. The junior medic was aware that 17 was not comfortable, and it had looked like she was going to get some advice, but she hasn’t come back.

18 drinks his tea and looks at a wool twiddle mitt sleeve, puts it down, and dozes. 19 has finished all his coffee and manages to put the cup down on the trolley.Everyone is tapping their feet or wiggling their toes to lasix symptoms the music, or singing quietly to it, when a student nurse, who is working at the computer station in the corridor outside the room, comes in. She has a strong purposeful stride and looks irritated as she switches the music off.

It feels like a lasix symptoms jolt to the room. She turns and looks at me and says, ‘Sorry were you listening to it?. €™ I tell her that I think these gentlemen were listening to it.She suddenly looks very startled and surprised and looks at the men in the room for the first time.

They have all stopped lasix symptoms tapping their toes and stopped singing along. She turns it back on but asks me if she can turn it down. She leaves and goes back to her paperwork outside.

Once it is turned lasix symptoms back on everyone starts tapping their toes again. The music plays on. €˜There’ll be bluebirds over the white cliffs of Dover, just you wait and see…’[Site 3 day 3]The music was played by lasix symptoms staff to help combat the drab and unstimulating environment of this hospital ward for the patients, the very people the ward is meant to serve.

Yet for this member of ward staff the music was perceived as a nuisance, the men for whom the music was playing seemingly did not register to her awareness. Only an individual of ‘higher’ status, the researcher, sitting at the end of this room was visible to her. This example illustrates the general question of lasix symptoms the visibility or otherwise of patients.

Focusing on our immediate topic, there may be complex pathways through which clothing may impact on how patients living with dementia are perceived, and on their self-perception.Clothing and identityOn these wards, we also observed how important familiar aspects of appearance were to relatives. Family members may be distressed if they find the person they knew so well, looking markedly different. In the example below, a mother and two adult daughters visit lasix symptoms the father of the family, who is not visible to them as the person they were so familiar with.

His is not wearing his glasses, which are missing, and his daughters find this very difficult. Even though lasix symptoms he looks very different following his admission—he has lost a large amount of weight and has sunken cheekbones, and his skin has taken on a darker hue—it is his glasses which are a key concern for the family in their recognition of their father:As I enter the corridor to go back to the ward, I meet the wife and daughter of the patient in bed 2 in the hall and walk with them back to the ward. Their father looks very frail, his head is back, and his face is immobile, his eyes are closed, and his mouth is open.

His skin looks darker than before, and his cheekbones and eye sockets are extremely prominent from weight loss. €˜I am lasix symptoms like a bird I want to fly away…’ plays softly in the radio in the bay. I sit with them for a bit and we chat—his wife holds his hand as we talk.

His wife has to take two busses to get to the hospital and we talk about the potential care home they expect her husband will be discharged to. They hope lasix symptoms it will be close because she does not drive. He isn’t wearing his glasses and his daughter tells me that they can’t find them.

We look lasix symptoms in the bedside cabinet. She has never seen her dad without his glasses. €˜He doesn’t look like my dad without his glasses’ [Site 2 day 15].It was often these small aspects of personal clothing and grooming that prompted powerful responses from visiting family members.

Missing glasses and missing teeth were notable in this regard (and with the follow-up visits from the relatives of discharged patients trying to retrieve these lasix symptoms now lost objects). The location of these possessions, which could have a medical purpose in the case of glasses, dental prosthetics, hearing aids or accessories which contained personal and important aspects of a patient’s identity, such as wallets or keys, and particularly, for female patients, handbags, could be a prominent source of distress for individuals. These accessories to personal clothing were notable on these wards by their everyday absence, hidden away in bedside cupboards or simply not brought in with the patient at admission, and by the frequency with which patients requested and called out for them or tried to look for them, often in repetitive cycles that indicated their underlying anxiety about these belongings, but which would become invisible to staff, becoming an everyday background intrusion to the work of the wards.When considering the visibility and recognition of individual persons, missing glasses, especially glasses for distance vision, have a particular significance, for without them, a person may be less able to recognise and interact visually with others.

Their presence facilitates the subject of the gaze, lasix symptoms in gazing back, and hence helps to ground meaningful and reciprocal relationships of recognition. This may be one factor behind the distress of relatives in finding their loved ones’ glasses to be absent.Clothing as a source of distressAcross all sites, we observed patients living with dementia who exhibited obvious distress at aspects of their institutional apparel and at the absence of their own personal clothing. Some older patients were clearly able to verbalise their understandings of the impacts of wearing lasix symptoms institutional clothing.

One patient remarked to a nurse of her hospital blue tracksuit. €˜I look like an Olympian or Wentworth prison in this outfit!. The latter I expect…’ The staff lasix symptoms laughed as they walked her out of the bay (site 3 day 1).Institutional clothing may be a source of distress to patients, although they may be unable to express this verbally.

Kontos has shown how people living with dementia may retain an awareness at a bodily level of the demands of etiquette.20 Likewise, in our study, a man living with dementia, wearing a very large institutional pyjama top, which had no collar and a very low V neck, continually tried to pull it up to cover his chest. The neckline was particularly low, because the pyjamas were far too large for him. He continued to fiddle with his very low-necked top even when his lunch tray was placed in front of lasix symptoms him.

He clearly felt very uncomfortable with such clothing. He continued using his hands to try to pull it up to cover his exposed chest, during and after the meal was finished (site 3 day 5).For some patients, the communication of this distress in relation to clothing may be liable to misinterpretation and may have further impacts on lasix symptoms how they are viewed within the ward. Here, a patient living with dementia recently admitted to this ward became tearful and upset after having a shower.

She had no fresh clothes, and so the team had provided her with a pink hospital gown to wear.‘I want my trousers, where is my bra, I’ve got no bra on.’ It is clear she doesn’t feel right without her own clothes on. The one-to-one healthcare assistant lasix symptoms assigned to this patient tells her, ‘Your bra is dirty, do you want to wear that?. €™ She replies, ‘No I want a clean one.

Where are my trousers?. I want them, I’ve lost them.’ The healthcare lasix symptoms assistant repeats the explaination that her clothes are dirty, and asks her, ‘Do you want your dirty ones?. €™ She is very teary ‘No, I want my clean ones.’ The carer again explains that they are dirty.The cleaner who always works in the ward arrives to clean the floor and sweeps around the patient as she sits in her chair, and as he does this, he says ‘Hello’ to her.

She is very lasix symptoms teary and explains that she has lost her clothes. The cleaner listens sympathetically as she continues ‘I am all confused. I have lost my clothes.

I am all lasix symptoms confused. How am I going to go to the shops with no clothes on!. €™ (site 5 day 5).This person experienced significant distress because of her absent clothes, but this would often be simply attributed to confusion, seen as a feature of her dementia.

This then may solidify staff perceptions of her lasix symptoms condition. However, we need to consider that rather than her condition (her diagnosis of dementia) causing distress about clothing, the direction of causation may be the reverse. The absence of her own familiar clothing contributes significantly to her distress and disorientation lasix symptoms.

Others have argued that people with limited verbal capacity and limited cognitive comprehension will have a direct appreciation of the grounding familiarity of wearing their own clothes, which give a bodily felt notion of comfort and familiarity.18 47 Familiar clothing may then be an essential prop to anchor the wearer within a recognisable social and meaningful space. To simply see clothing from a task-oriented point of view, as fulfilling a simply mechanical function, and that all clothing, whether personal or institutional have the same value and role, might be to interpret the desire to wear familiar clothing as an ‘optional extra’. However, for those patients lasix symptoms most at risk of disorientation and distress within an unfamiliar environment, it could be a valuable necessity.Personal grooming and social statusIncluding in our consideration of clothing, we observed other aspects of the role of personal grooming.

Personal grooming was notable by its absence beyond the necessary cleaning required for reasons of immediate hygiene and clinical need (such as the prevention of pressure ulcers). Older patients, and particular those living with dementia who were unable to carry out ‘self-care’ independently and were not able to request support with personal grooming, could, over their admission, become visibly unkempt and scruffy, hair could be left unwashed, uncombed and unstyled, while men could become hirsute through a lack of shaving. The simple act of a visitor dressing and grooming a patient as they lasix symptoms prepared for discharge could transform their appearance and leave that patient looking more alert, appear to having increased capacity, than when sitting ungroomed in their bed or bedside chair.It is important to consider the impact of appearance and of personal care in the context of an acute ward.

Kontos’ work examining life in a care home, referred to earlier, noted that people living with dementia may be acutely aware of transgressions in grooming and appearance, and noted many acts of self-care with personal appearance, such as stopping to apply lipstick, and conformity with high standards of table manners. Clothing, etiquette and personal grooming are important indicators of social class and hence an aspect of belonging and identity, and of how an individual relates lasix symptoms to a wider group. In Kontos’ findings, these rituals and standards of appearance were also observed in negative reactions, such as expressions of disgust, towards those residents who breached these standards.

Hence, even in cases where an individual may be assessed as having considerable cognitive impairment, the importance of personal appearance must not be overlooked.For some patients within these wards, routine practices of everyday care at the bedside can increase the potential to influence whether they feel and appear socially acceptable. The delivery of routine timetabled care at the bedside can impact on people’s appearance in ways that may mark them out as lasix symptoms failing to achieve accepted standards of embodied personhood. The task-oriented timetabling of mealtimes may have significance.

It was a typical observed feature of this routine, when a mealtime has ended, that people living with dementia were left with visible signs and features of the mealtime through spillages on faces, clothes, bed sheets and bedsides, that leave them at risk of being assessed as less socially acceptable and marked as having reduced independence. For example, a volunteer attempts to ‘feed’ a person living with dementia, when she gives up and leave the bedside (this woman living with dementia has resisted her attempts and explicitly says lasix symptoms ‘no’), remnants of the food is left spread around her mouth (site E). In a different ward, the mealtime has ended, yet a large white plastic bib to prevent food spillages remains attached around the neck of a person living with dementia who is unable to remove it (site X).Of note, an adult would not normally wear a white plastic bib at home or in a restaurant.

It signifies a task-based apparel that is demeaning to lasix symptoms an individual’s social status. This example also contrasts poignantly with examples from Kontos’ work,20 such as that of a female who had little or no ability to verbalise, but who nonetheless would routinely take her pearl necklace out from under her bib at mealtimes, showing she retained an acute awareness of her own appearance and the ‘right’ way to display this symbol of individuality, femininity and status. Likewise, Kontos gives the example of a resident who at mealtimes ‘placed her hand on her chest, to prevent her blouse from touching the food as she leaned over her plate’.20Patients who are less robust, who have cognitive impairments, who may be liable to disorientation and whose agency and personhood are most vulnerable are thus those for whom appropriate and familiar clothing may be most advantageous.

However, we found the ‘Matthew effect’ to lasix symptoms be frequently in operation. To those who have the least, even that which they have will be taken away.48 Although there may be institutional and organisational rationales for putting a plastic cover over a patient, leaving it on for an extended period following a meal may act as a marker of dehumanising loss of social status. By being able to maintain familiar clothing and adornment to visually display social standing and identity, a person living with dementia may maintain a continuity of selfhood.However, it is also possible that dressing and grooming an older person may itself be a task-oriented institutional activity in certain contexts, as discussed by Lee-Treweek49 in the context of a nursing home preparing residents for ‘lounge view’ where visitors would see them, using residents to ‘create a visual product for others’ sometimes to the detriment of residents’ needs.

Our observations regarding the importance of patient appearance must therefore be considered as part of the care of the whole person and a significant feature of the institutional culture.Patient status and appearanceWithin these wards, a new grouping of class could become imposed on patients lasix symptoms. We understand class not simply as socioeconomic class but as an indicator of the strata of local social organisation to which an individual belongs. Those in the lowest classes lasix symptoms may have limited opportunities to participate in society, and we observed the ways in which this applied to the people living with dementia within these acute wards.

The differential impact of clothing as signifiers of social status has also been observed in a comparison of the white coat and the patient gown.4 It has been argued that while these both may help to mask individuality, they have quite different effects on social status on a ward. One might say that the white coat increases visibility as a person of standing and the attribution of agency, the patient gown diminishes both of these. (Within these wards, although white coats were not to be found, the dress code of medical staff did make them stand out lasix symptoms.

For male doctors, for example, the uniform rarely strayed beyond chinos paired with a blue oxford button down shirt, sleeves rolled up, while women wore a wider range of smart casual office wear.) Likewise, we observed that the same arrangement of attire could be attributed to entirely different meanings for older patients with or without dementia.Removal of clothes and exposureWithin these wards, we observed high levels of behaviour perceived by ward staff as people living with dementia displaying ‘resistance’ to care.50 This included ‘resistance’ towards institutional clothing. This could include pulling up or removing hospital gowns, removing institutional pyjama trousers or pulling up gowns, and standing with gowns untied and exposed at the back (although this last example is an unavoidable design feature of the clothing itself). Importantly, the removal of clothing was limited to lasix symptoms institutional gowns and pyjamas and we did not see any patients removing their own clothing.

This also included the removal of institutional bedding, with instances of patients pulling or kicking sheets from their bed. These acts could and was often interpreted by lasix symptoms ward staff as a patient’s ‘resistance’ to care. There was some variation in this interpretation.

However, when an individual patient response to their institutional clothing and bedding was repeated during a shift, it was more likely to be conceived by the ward team as a form of resistance to their care, and responded to by the replacement and reinforcement of the clothing and bedding to recover the person.The removal of gowns, pyjamas and bedsheets often resulted in a patient exposing their genitalia or continence products (continence pads could be visible as a large diaper or nappy or a pad visibly held in place by transparent net pants), and as such, was disruptive to the norms and highly visible to staff and other visitor to these wards. Notably, unlike other behaviours considered by staff to be disruptive or inappropriate within these wards such as shouting or crying lasix symptoms out, the removal of bedsheets and the subsequent bodily exposure would always be immediately corrected, the sheet replaced and the patient covered by either the nurse or HCA. The act of removal was typically interpreted by ward staff as representing a feature of the person’s dementia and staff responses were framed as an issue of patient dignity, or the dignity and embarrassment of other patients and visitors to the ward.

However, such responses to removal could lead to further cycles of removal and replacement, leading to an escalation of distress lasix symptoms in the person. This was important, because the recording of ‘refusal of care’, or presumed ‘confusion’ associated with this, could have significant impacts on the care and discharge pathways available and prescribed for the individual patient.Consider the case of a woman living with dementia who is 90 years old (patient 1), in the example below. Despite having no immediate medical needs, she has been admitted to the MAU from a care home (following her husband’s stroke, he could no longer care for her).

Across the previous evening and morning shift, she was shouting, refusing all food and care and has received assistance from lasix symptoms the specialist dementia care worker. However, during this shift, she has become calmer following a visit from her husband earlier in the day, has since eaten and requested drinks. Her care home would not readmit her, which meant she was not able to be discharged from the unit (an overflow unit due to a high number of admissions to the emergency department during a patch of exceptionally hot weather) until alternative arrangements could be made by social services.During our observations, she remains calm for the first 2 hours.

When she does talk, she is very loud and high lasix symptoms pitched, but this is normal for her and not a sign of distress. For staff working on this bay, their attention is elsewhere, because of the other six patients on the unit, one is ‘on suicide watch’ and another is ‘refusing their medication’ (but does not have a diagnosis of dementia). At 15:10 patient 1 begins to remove her lasix symptoms sheets:15:10.

The unit seems chaotic today. Patient 1 has begun to loudly drum her fingers on the tray table. She still has not been brought more milk, which she requested from the HCA an hour lasix symptoms earlier.

The bay that patient 1 is admitted to is a temporary overflow unit and as a result staff do not know where things are. 1 has moved her sheets off her legs, her bare knees peeking out over the top of piled sheets.15:15. The nurse in charge says, ‘Hello,’ lasix symptoms when she walks past 1’s bed.

1 looks across and smiles back at her. The nurse in charge explains to her that she needs to shuffle lasix symptoms up the bed. 1 asks the nurse about her husband.

The nurse reminds 1 that her husband was there this morning and that he is coming back tomorrow. 1 says that he lasix symptoms hasn’t been and she does not believe the nurse.15:25. I overhear the nurse in charge question, under her breath to herself, ‘Why 1 has been left on the unit?.

€™ 1 has started asking for somebody to come and see her. The nurse in charge tells 1 that lasix symptoms she needs to do some jobs first and then will come and talk to her.15:30. 1 has once again kicked her sheets off of her legs.

A social worker comes onto the unit lasix symptoms. 1 shouts, ‘Excuse me’ to her. The social worker replies, ‘Sorry I’m not staff, I don’t work here’ and leaves the bay.15:40.

1 keeps lasix symptoms kicking sheets off her bed, otherwise the unit is quiet. She now whimpers whenever anyone passes her bed, which is whenever anyone comes through the unit’s door. 1 is the only elderly patient on the unit.

Again, the nurse lasix symptoms in charge is heard sympathizing that this is not the right place for her.16:30. A doctor approaches 1, tells her that she is on her list of people to say hello to, she is quite friendly. 1 tells lasix symptoms her that she has been here for 3 days, (the rest is inaudible because of pitch).

The doctor tries to cover 1 up, raising her bed sheet back over the bed, but 1 loudly refuses this. The doctor responds by ending the interaction, ‘See you later’, and leaves the unit.16:40. 1 attempts to talk to the lasix symptoms new nurse assigned to the unit.

She goes over to 1 and says, ‘What’s up my darling?. €™ It’s hard to follow 1 now as she sounds very upset. The RN’s first instinct, like with the doctor and lasix symptoms the nurse in charge, is to cover up 1 s legs with her bed sheet.

When 1 reacts to this she talks to her and they agree to cover up her knees. 1 is talking about how her husband won’t come and visit her, and still sounds lasix symptoms really upset about this. [Site 3, Day 13]Of note is that between days 6 and 15 at this site, observed over a particularly warm summer, this unit was uncomfortably hot and stuffy.

The need to be uncovered could be viewed as a reasonable response, and in fact was considered acceptable for patients without a classification of dementia, provided they were otherwise clothed, such as the hospital gown patient 1 was wearing. This is an example of an aspect of care where the choice and autonomy granted to lasix symptoms patients assessed as having (or assumed to have) cognitive capacity is not available to people who are considered to have impaired cognitive capacity (a diagnosis of dementia) and carries the additional moral judgements of the appropriateness of behaviour and bodily exposure. In the example given above, the actions were linked to the patient’s resistance to their admission to the hospital, driven by her desire to return home and to be with her husband.

Throughout observations over this 10-day period, patients perceived by staff as rational agents were allowed to strip down their bedding for comfort, whereas patients living with dementia who responded in this way were often viewed by staff as ‘undressing’, which would be interpreted as a feature of their condition, to be challenged and corrected by staff.Note how the same visual data triggered opposing interpretations of personal autonomy. Just as in the example above where distress over loss lasix symptoms of familiar clothing may be interpreted as an aspect of confusion, yet lead to, or exacerbate, distress and disorientation. So ‘deviant’ bedding may be interpreted, for some patients only, in ways that solidify notions of lack of agency and confusion, is another example of the Matthew effect48 at work through the organisational expectations of the clothed appearance of patients.Within wards, it is not unusual to see patients, especially those with a diagnosis of dementia or cognitive impairment, walking in the corridor inadvertently in some state of undress, typically exposed from behind by their hospital gowns.

This exposure in itself is of course, an intrinsic functional feature of the design of the flimsy back-opening institutional clothing the patient has lasix symptoms been placed in. This task-based clothing does not even fulfil this basic function very adequately. However, this inadvertent exposure could often be interpreted as an overt act of resistance to the ward and towards staff, especially when it led to exposed genitalia or continence products (pads or nappies).We speculate that the interpretation of resistance may be triggered by the visual prompt of disarrayed clothing and the meanings assumed to follow, where lack of decorum in attire is interpreted as indicating more general behavioural incompetence, cognitive impairment and/or standing outside the social order.DiscussionPrevious studies examining the significance of the visual, particularly Twigg and Buse’s work16–19 exploring the materialities of appearance, emphasise its key role in self-presentation, visibility, dignity and autonomy for older people and especially those living with dementia in care home settings.

Similarly, care home studies have demonstrated that institutional clothing, designed to facilitate task-based care, can be potentially dehumanising or and distressing.25 26 Our findings resonate with this work, but find that for people living with dementia within a key site of care, the acute ward, the impact lasix symptoms of institutional clothing on the individual patient living with dementia, is poorly recognised, but is significant for the quality and humanity of their care.Our ethnographic approach enabled the researchers to observe the organisation and delivery of task-oriented fast-paced nature of the work of the ward and bedside care. Nonetheless, it should also be emphasised the instances in which staff such as HCAs and specialist dementia staff within these wards took time to take note of personal appearance and physical caring for patients and how important this can be for overall well-being. None of our observations should be read as critical of any individual staff, but reflects longstanding institutional cultures.Our previous work has examined how readily a person living with dementia within a hospital wards is vulnerable to dehumanisation,51 and to their behaviour within these wards being interpreted as a feature of their condition, rather than a response to the ways in which timetabled care is delivered at their bedside.50 We have also examined the ways in which visual stimuli within these wards in the form of signs and symbols indicating a diagnosis of dementia may inadvertently focus attention away from the individual patient and may incline towards simplified and inaccurate categorisation of both needs and the diagnostic category of dementia.52Our work supports the analysis of the two forms of attention arising from McGilchrist’s work.10 The institutional culture of the wards produces an organisational task-based technical attention, which we found appeared to compete with and reduce the opportunity for ward staff to seek a finer emotional attunement to the person they are caring for and their needs.

Focus on efficiency, pace lasix symptoms and record keeping that measures individual task completion within a timetable of care may worsen all these effects. Indeed, other work has shown that in some contexts, attention to visual appearance may itself be little more than a ‘task’ to achieve.49 McGilchrist makes clear, and we agree, that both forms of attention are vital, but more needs to be done to enable staff to find a balance.Previous work has shown how important appearance is to older people, and to people living with dementia in particular, both in terms of how they are perceived by others, but also how for this group, people living with dementia, clothing and personal grooming may act as a particularly important anchor into a familiar social world. These twin aspects of clothing and appearance—self-perception and perception by others—may be especially important in the fast-paced context of an acute ward environment, where patients living with dementia may be struggling with the impacts of an additional acute medical condition within in a lasix symptoms highly timetabled and regimented and unfamiliar environment of the ward, and where staff perceptions of them may feed into clinical assessments of their condition and subsequent treatment and discharge pathways.

We have seen above, for instance, how behaviour in relation to appearance may be seen as ‘resisting care’ in one group of patients, but as the natural expression of personal preference in patients viewed as being without cognitive impairments. Likewise, personal grooming might impact favourably on a patient’s alertness, visibility and status within the ward.Prior work has demonstrated the importance of the medical gaze for the perceptions of the patient. Other work has also shown how older people, lasix symptoms and in particular people living with dementia, may be thought to be beyond concern for appearance, yet this does not accurately reflect the importance of appearance we found for this patient group.

Indeed, we argue that our work, along with the work of others such as Kontos,20 21 shows that if anything, visual appearance is especially important for people living with dementia particularly within clinical settings. In considering the task of washing the patient, Pols53 considered ‘dignitas’ in terms of aesthetic values, in comparison to humanitas conceived as citizen values of equality between persons. Attention to dignitas in the form of appearance may be a way of facilitating the treatment by others of a person with humanitas, and helping to realise dignity of patients.Data lasix symptoms availability statementNo data are available.

Data are unavailable to protect anonymity.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required.Ethics approvalEthics committee approval for the study was granted by the NHS Research Ethics Service (15/WA/0191).AcknowledgmentsThe authors acknowledge funding support from the NIHR.Notes1. Devan Stahl lasix symptoms (2013). €œLiving into the imagined body.

How the diagnostic image confronts the lived body.” Medical Humanities. Medhum-2012–010286.2. Joyce Zazulak et al.

(2017). "The art of medicine. Arts-based training in observation and mindfulness for fostering the empathic response in medical residents.” Medical Humanities.

Medhum-2016-011180.3. E Forde (2018). "Using photography to enhance GP trainees’ reflective practice and professional development." Medical Humanities.

Medhum-2017-011203.4. Caroline Wellbery and Melissa Chan (2014) “White coat, patient gown.” Medical Humanities. Medhum-2013–0 10 463.5.

E Goffman (1990a). Stigma. Notes on the management of spoiled identity, Penguin.6.

J Bridges and C Wilkinson (2011). €œAchieving dignity for older people with dementia in hospital.” Nursing Standard 5 (29).7. J Dancy (1985).

Contemporary Epistemology, John Wiley and Sons.8. D McNaughton (1988). Moral Vision.

Blackwell.9. S Weil (1953). Gravity and Grace.

U of Nebraska Press.10. I McGilchrist (2009). The Master and his Emissary.

The divided brain and the making of the western world. New Haven and London, Yale University Press.11. Iain McGilchrist (2011).

€œPaying attention to the bipartite brain.” The Lancet 377 (9771). 1068–1069.12. Efrat Tseëlon (1992).

€œSelf presentation through appearance. A manipulative vs a dramaturgical approach”. Symbolic Interaction, 15(4).

501–514.13. E Tseëlon (1995). The masque of femininity.

The presentation of woman in everyday life. London. Sage.14.

E Goffman (1990b). The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life Penguin15. Efrat Tseëlon (2001).

€œFashion research and its discontents”. Fashion Theory, 5 (4). 435–451.16.

Julia Twigg (2010a). €œClothing and dementia. A neglected dimension?.

€ Journal of Ageing Studies 24(4). 223–230.17. Julia Twigg and Christina E Buse (2013).

€œDress, dementia and the embodiment of identity.” Dementia 12(3). 326–336.18. C.

E Buse and J. Twigg (2015). €œClothing, embodied identity and dementia.

Maintaining the self through dress.” Age, Culture, Humanities (2).19. Christina Buse and Julia Twigg (2018). €œDressing disrupted.

Negotiating care through the materiality of dress in the context of dementia.” Sociology of Health &. Illness, 40(2). 340-352.20.

PIA C Kontos (2004). Ethnographic reflections on selfhood, embodiment and Alzheimer's disease. Ageing &.

C Kontos (2005). €œEmbodied selfhood in Alzheimer's disease. Rethinking person-centred care.” Dementia 4 (4).

Naglie (2007). €œBridging theory and practice. Imagination, the body, and person-centred dementia care.” Dementia 6 (4).

549–569.23. Richard Ward et al. (2016a).

€œâ€˜Gonna make yer gorgeous’. Everyday transformation, resistance and belonging in the care-based hair salon.” Dementia, 15(3). 395–413.24.

Richard Ward, Sarah Campbell, and John Keady (2016b). €œAssembling the salon. Learning from alternative forms of body work in dementia care.” Sociology of Health &.

Illness, 38(8). 1287–1302.25. Sonja Iltanen-Tähkävuori, Minttu Wikberg, and Päivi Topo (2012).

Design and dementia. A case of garments designed to prevent undressing. Dementia, 11(1).

49–59.26. Päivi Topo and Sonja Iltanen-Tähkävuori (2010). €œScripting patienthood with patient clothing.” Social Science &.

Medicine, 70(11). 1682–1689.27. Julia Twigg (2010b).

€œWelfare embodied. The materiality of hospital dress. A commentary on Topo and Iltanen-Tähkävuori”.

Social Science and Medicine, 70(11), 1690–1692.28. Kathleen Woodward (2006). €œPerforming age, performing gender” National Women’s Studies Association (NWSA) Journal 18(1).

162–89.29. K.M Woodward (1999). Introduction.

In K.M. Woodward (ed.), Figuring Age. Women, Bodies and Generations (pp.

Ix-xxix). Bloomington. Indiana University Press.30.

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J Caracelli (2006). Enhancing the policy process through the use of ethnography and other study frameworks. A mixed-method strategy.

Research in the Schools, 13(1). 84–92.32. W Housley and P Atkinson (2003).

Interactionism, Sage33. M Hammersley (1987) What's Wrong with Ethnography?. Methodological Explorations.

London. Routledge34. V Turner and E Bruner (1986).

The Anthropology of Experience New York. PAJ Publications. 2435.

K Charmaz and RG Mitchell (2001). €˜Grounded theory in ethnography’ in Atkinson P. (Ed) Handbook of Ethnography, 2001.

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Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 24(25). 288–30437. Juliet M.

Corbin and Anselm Strauss (1990). Grounded theoryrResearch. Procedures, canons, and evaluative criteria.

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AbstractBrazil is who can buy lasix currently home to lasix online without prescription the largest Japanese population outside of Japan. In Brazil today, Japanese-Brazilians are considered to be successful members of Brazilian society. This was not always the case, however, and Japanese immigrants to Brazil endured much hardship to attain their lasix online without prescription current level of prestige.

This essay explores this community’s trajectory towards the formation of the Japanese-Brazilian identity and the issues of mental health that arise in this immigrant community. Through the analysis of Japanese-Brazilian novels, TV shows, film and public health studies, I seek to disentangle the themes of gender and modernisation, and how these themes concurrently grapple with Japanese-Brazilian mental health issues. These fictional narratives provide a lens into the experience of the Japanese-Brazilian community that is unavailable in traditional medical studies about their mental health.filmliterature and medicinemental health caregender studiesmedical humanitiesData availability statementData are available in a public, open access repository.Introduction and philosophical backgroundWork in lasix online without prescription the medical humanities has noted the importance of the ‘medical gaze’ and how it may ‘see’ the patient in ways which are specific, while possessing broad significance, in relation to developing medical knowledge.

To diagnosis. And to the social position lasix online without prescription of the medical profession.1 Some authors have emphasised that vision is a distinctive modality of perception which merits its own consideration, and which may have a particular role to play in medical education and understanding.2 3 The clothing we wear has a strong impact on how we are perceived. For example, commentary in this journal on the ‘white coat’ observes that while it may rob the medical doctor of individuality, it nonetheless grants an elevated status4.

In contrast, the patient hospital gown may rob patients of individuality in a way that stigmatises them,5 reducing their status in the ward, and ultimately dehumanises them, in conflict with the humanistic approaches seen as central to the best practice in the care of older patients, and particularly those living with dementia.6The broad context of our concern is the visibility of patients and their needs. We draw on lasix online without prescription observations made during an ethnographic study of the everyday care of people living with dementia within acute hospital wards, to consider how patients’ clothing may impact on the way they were perceived by themselves and by others. Hence, we draw on this ethnography to contribute to discussion of the ‘medical gaze’ in a specific and informative context.The acute setting illustrates a situation in which there are great many biomedical, technical, recording, and timetabled routine task-oriented demands, organised and delivered by different staff members, together with demands for care and attention to particular individuals and an awareness of their needs.

Within this ward setting, we focus on patients who are living with dementia, since this group may be particularly vulnerable to a dehumanising gaze.6 We frame our discussion within the broader context of the general philosophical question of how we acquire knowledge of different types, and the moral consequences of this, particularly knowledge through visual perception.Debates throughout the history of philosophy raise questions about the nature and sources of our knowledge. Contrasts are often drawn lasix online without prescription between more reliable or less reliable knowledge. And between knowledge that is more technical or ‘objective’, and knowledge that is more emotionally based or more ‘subjective’.

A frequent lasix online without prescription point of discussion is the reliability and characteristics of perception as a source of knowledge. This epistemological discussion is mostly focused on vision, indicating its particular importance as a mode of perception to humans.7Likewise, in ethics, there is discussion of the origin of our moral knowledge and the particular role of perception.8 There is frequent recognition that the observer has some significant role in acquiring moral knowledge. Attention to qualities of the moral observer is not in itself a denial of moral reality.

Indeed, it is the very essence of an ethical response to the world to recognise the deep reality of others lasix online without prescription as separate persons. The nature of ethical attention to the world and to those around us is debated and has been articulated in various ways. The quality of ethical attention may vary and achieving a high level of ethical attention may require certain conditions, certain virtues, and the time and mental space to attend to the situation and claims of the other.9Consideration has already been given to how different modes of attention to the world might be of relevance to the practice of medicine.

Work that examines lasix online without prescription different ways of processing information, and of interacting with and being in the world, can be found in Iain McGilchrist’s The Master and His Emissary,10 where he draws on neurological discoveries and applies his ideas to the development of human culture. McGilchrist has recently expanded on the relevance of understanding two different approaches to knowledge for the practice of medicine.11 He argues that task-oriented perception, and a wider, more emotionally attuned awareness of the environment are necessary partners, but may in some circumstances compete, with the competitive edge often being given to the narrower, task-based attention.There has been critique of McGilchrist’s arguments as well as much support. We find his lasix online without prescription work a useful framework for understanding important debates in the ethics of medicine and of nursing about relationships of staff to patients.

In particular, it helps to illuminate the consequences of patients’ dress and personal appearance for how they are seen and treated.Dementia and personal appearanceOur work focuses on patients living with dementia admitted to acute hospital wards. Here, they are a large group, present alongside older patients unaffected by dementia, as well as younger patients. This mixed population provides a useful setting to consider the impact of personal appearance on different patient groups.The role of appearance in the presentation of the self has been lasix online without prescription explored extensively by Tseëlon,12 13 drawing on Goffman’s work on stigma5 and the presentation of the self14 using interactionist approaches.

Drawing on the experiences on women in the UK, Tseëlon argues Goffman’s interactionist approach best supports how we understand the relationship appearance plays in self presentation, and its relationships with other signs and interactions surrounding it. Tseëlon suggests that understandings in this area, in the role appearance and clothing have in the presentation of the self, have been restricted by the perceived trivialities of the topic and limited to the field of fashion studies.15The personal appearance of older patients, and patients living with dementia in particular, has, more recently, been shown to be worthy of attention and of particular significance. Older people are often assumed to be left out of fashion, yet a concern with appearance remains.16 17 Lack of attention to clothing and to personal care may be one sign of the varied symptoms associated with cognitive impairment or dementia, and so conversely, attention to appearance is one way of combatting the lasix online without prescription stigma associated with dementia.

Families and carers may also feel the importance of personal appearance. The significant body of work by Twigg lasix online without prescription and Buse in this field in particular draws attention to the role clothing has on preserving the identity and dignity or people living with dementia, while also constraining and enabling elements of care within long-term community settings.16–19 Within this paper, we examine the ways in which these phenomena can be even more acutely felt within the impersonal setting of the acute hospital.Work has also shown how people living with dementia strongly retain a felt, bodily appreciation for the importance of personal appearance. The comfort and sensuous feel of familiar clothing may remain, even after cognitive capacities such as the ability to recognise oneself in a mirror, or verbal fluency, are lost.18 More strongly still, Kontos,20–22 drawing on the work of Merleau-Ponty and of Bourdieu, has convincingly argued that this attention to clothing and personal appearance is an important aspect of the maintenance of a bodily sense of self, which is also socially mediated, in part via such attention to appearance.

Our observations lend support to Kontos’ hypothesis.Much of this previous work has considered clothing in the everyday life of people living with dementia in the context of community or long-term residential care.18 Here, we look at the visual impact of clothing and appearance in the different setting of the hospital ward and consider the consequent implications for patient care. This setting enables us to consider how the short-term and unfamiliar environments of the acute ward, together with the contrast between personal and institutional attire, impact on the perception of the patient by self and by others.There is a body of literature that examines the work of restoring the appearance of residents within long-term community care settings, for instance Ward et al’s work that demonstrates the importance of hair and grooming as a key component of lasix online without prescription care.23 24 The work of Iltanen-Tähkävuori25 examines the usage of garments designed for long-term care settings, exploring the conflict between clothing used to prevent undressing or facilitate the delivery of care, and the distress such clothing can cause, being powerfully symbolic of lower social status and associated with reduced autonomy.26 27Within this literature, there has also been a significant focus on the role of clothing, appearance and the tasks of personal care surrounding it, on the older female body. A corpus of feminist literature has examined the ageing process and the use of clothing to conceal ageing, the presentation of a younger self, or a ‘certain’ age28 It argues that once the ability to conceal the ageing process through clothing and grooming has been lost, the aged person must instead conceal themselves, dressing to hide themselves and becoming invisible in the process.29 This paper will explore how institutional clothing within hospital wards affects both the male and female body, the presentation of the ageing body and its role in reinforcing the invisibility of older people, at a time when they are paradoxically most visible, unclothed and undressed, or wearing institutional clothing within the hospital ward.Institutional clothing is designed and used to fulfil a practical function.

Its use may therefore perhaps incline us towards a ‘task-based’ mode of attention, which as McGilchrist argues,10 while having a vital place in our understanding of the world, may on occasion interfere with the forms of attention that may be needed to deliver good person-oriented care responsive to individual needs.MethodsEthnography involves the in-depth study of people’s actions and accounts within their natural everyday setting, collecting relatively unstructured data from a range of sources.30 Importantly, it can take into account the perspectives of patients, carers and hospital staff.31 Our approach to ethnography is informed by the symbolic interactionist research tradition, which aims to provide an interpretive understanding of the social world, with an emphasis on interaction, focusing on understanding how action and meaning are constructed within a setting.32 The value of this approach is the depth of understanding and theory generation it can provide.33The goal of ethnography is to identify social processes within the data. There are multiple complex and nuanced interactions within these clinical settings that are capable of ‘communicating many messages at once, even of subverting on one level what it appears to be “saying” on another’.34 lasix online without prescription Thus, it is important to observe interaction and performance. How everyday care work is organised and delivered.

By obtaining observational data from within each institution on lasix online without prescription the everyday work of hospital wards, their family carers and the nursing and healthcare assistants (HCAs) who carry out this work, we can explore the ways in which hospital organisation, procedures and everyday care impact on care during a hospital admission. It remedies a common weakness in many qualitative studies, that what people say in interviews may differ from what they do or their private justifications to others.35Data collection (observations and interviews) and analysis were informed by the analytic tradition of grounded theory.36 There was no prior hypothesis testing and we used the constant comparative method and theoretical sampling whereby data collection (observation and interview data) and analysis are inter-related,36 37 and are carried out concurrently.38 39 The flexible nature of this approach is important, because it can allow us to increase the ‘analytic incisiveness’35 of the study. Preliminary analysis of data collected from individual sites informed the focus of later stages of sampling, data collection and analysis in other sites.Thus, sampling requires a flexible, pragmatic approach and purposive and maximum variation sampling (theoretical sampling) was used.

This included five hospitals selected to represent a range lasix online without prescription of hospitals types, geographies and socioeconomic catchments. Five hospitals were purposefully selected to represent a range of hospitals types. Two large university teaching hospitals, two medium-sized general hospitals and one smaller general hospital.

This included one urban, two inner city and two hospitals covering a mix of rural and suburban catchment areas, all situated within England and Wales.These sites represented a range of expertise and interventions in caring for lasix online without prescription people with dementia, from no formal expertise to the deployment of specialist dementia workers. Fractures, nutritional disorders, urinary tract and pneumonia40 41 are among the principal causes of admission to acute hospital settings among people with dementia. Thus, we lasix online without prescription focused observation within trauma and orthopaedic wards (80 days) and medical assessment units (MAU.

75 days).Across these sites, 155 days of observational fieldwork were carried out. At each of the five sites, a minimum of 30 days observation took place, split between the two ward types. Observations were lasix online without prescription carried out by two researchers, each working in clusters of 2–4 days over a 6-week period at each site.

A single day of observation could last a minimum of 2 hours and a maximum of 12 hours. A total of 684 hours of observation were conducted for this study. This produced approximately 600 000 words of observational lasix online without prescription fieldnotes that were transcribed, cleaned and anonymised (by KF and AN).

We also carried out ethnographic (during observation) interviews with trauma and orthopaedic ward (192 ethnographic interviews and 22 group interviews) and MAU (222 ethnographic interviews) staff (including nurses, HCAs, auxiliary and support staff and medical teams) as they cared for this patient group. This allowed us to question what lasix online without prescription they are doing and why, and what are the caring practices of ward staff when interacting with people living with dementia.Patients within these settings with a diagnosis of dementia were identified through ward nursing handover notes, patient records and board data with the assistance of ward staff. Following the provision of written and verbal information about the study, and the expression of willingness to take part, written consent was taken from patients, staff and visitors directly observed or spoken to as part of the study.To optimise the generalisability of our findings,42 our approach emphasises the importance of comparisons across sites,43 with theoretical saturation achieved following the search for negative cases, and on exploring a diverse and wide range of data.

When no additional empirical data were found, we concluded that the analytical categories were saturated.36 44Grounded theory and ethnography are complementary traditions, with grounded theory strengthening the ethnographic aims of achieving a theoretical interpretation of the data, while the ethnographic approach prevents a rigid application of grounded theory.35 Using an ethnographic approach can mean that everything within a setting is treated as data, which can lead to large volumes of unconnected data and a descriptive analysis.45 This approach provides a middle ground in which the ethnographer, often seen as a passive observer of the social world, uses grounded theory to provide a systematic approach to data collection and analysis that can be used to develop theory to address the interpretive realities of participants within this setting.35Patient and public involvementThe data presented in this paper are drawn from a wider ethnographic study supported by an advisory group of people living with dementia and their family carers. It was this advisory group that informed us of the need of a better understanding of the impacts of the everyday care received by people living with dementia in acute hospital lasix online without prescription settings. The authors met with this group on a regular basis throughout the study, and received guidance on both the design of the study and the format of written materials used to recruit participants to the study.

The external oversight group for this study included, and was chaired, by carers of people living with dementia. Once data analysis lasix online without prescription was complete, the advisory group commented on our initial findings and recommendations. During and on completion of the analysis, a series of public consultation events were held with people living with dementia and family carers to ensure their involvement in discussing, informing and refining our analysis.FindingsWithin this paper, we focus on exploring the medical gaze through the embedded institutional cultures of patient clothing, and the implications this have for patients living with dementia within acute hospital wards.

These findings emerged from our wider analysis of lasix online without prescription our ethnographic study examining ward cultures of care and the experiences of people living with dementia. Here, we examine the ways in which the cultures of clothing within wards impact on the visibility of patients within it, what clothing and identity mean within the ward and the ways in which clothing can be a source of distress. We will look at how personal grooming and appearance can affect status within the ward, and finally explore the removal of clothing, and the impacts of its absence.Ward clothing culturesAcross our sites, there was variation in the cultures of patient clothing and dress.

Within many wards, it was typical for all older patients to be dressed in hospital-issued institutional lasix online without prescription gowns and pyjamas (typically in pastel blue, pink, green or peach), paired with hospital supplied socks (usually bright red, although there was some small variation) with non-slip grip soles, while in other wards, it was standard practice for people to be supported to dress in their own clothes. Across all these wards, we observed that younger patients (middle aged/working age) were more likely to be able to wear their own clothes while admitted to a ward, than older patients and those with a dementia diagnosis.Among key signifiers of social status and individuality are the material things around the person, which in these hospital wards included the accoutrements around the bedside. Significantly, it was observed that people living with dementia were more likely to be wearing an institutional hospital gown or institutional pyjamas, and to have little to individuate the person at the bedside, on either their cabinet or the mobile tray table at their bedside.

The wearing of institutional clothing was typically connected to fewer personal items on display or within reach of lasix online without prescription the patient, with any items tidied away out of sight. In contrast, younger working age patients often had many personal belongings, cards, gadgets, books, media players, with young adults also often having a range of ‘get well soon’ gifts, balloons and so on from the hospital gift shop) on display. This both afforded some elements of familiarity, but also marked the person out as someone with individuality and a certain social standing and place.Visibility of patients on a wardThe significance of the obscurity or invisibility of the lasix online without prescription patient in artworks depicting doctors has been commented on.4 Likewise, we observed that some patients within these wards were much more ‘visible’ to staff than others.

It was often apparent how the wearing of personal clothing could make the patient and their needs more readily visible to others as a person. This may be especially so given the contrast in appearance clothing may produce in this particular setting. On occasion, this may be remarked on by staff, and the resulting attention received favourably by the patient.A member of the bay team lasix online without prescription returned to a patient and found her freshly dressed in a white tee shirt, navy slacks and black velvet slippers and exclaimed aloud and appreciatively, ‘Wow, look at you!.

€™ The patient looked pleased as she sat and combed her hair [site 3 day 1].Such a simple act of recognition as someone with a socially approved appearance takes on a special significance in the context of an acute hospital ward, and for patients living with dementia whose personhood may be overlooked in various ways.46This question of visibility of patients may also be particularly important when people living with dementia may be less able to make their needs and presence known. In this example, a whole bay of patients was seemingly ‘invisible’. Here, the ethnographer is observing a four-bed bay occupied by male lasix online without prescription patients living with dementia.The man in bed 17 is sitting in his bedside chair.

He is dressed in green hospital issue pyjamas and yellow grip socks. At 10 a.m., the lasix online without prescription physiotherapy team come and see him. The physiotherapist crouches down in front of him and asks him how he is.

He says he is unhappy, and the physiotherapist explains that she’ll be back later to see him again. The nurse checks on him, asks him if he wants a pillow, and puts it behind his head explaining to him, ‘You need lasix online without prescription to sit in the chair for a bit’. She pulls his bedside trolley near to him.

With the help of a Healthcare Assistant they make the bed. The Healthcare Assistant chats to him, puts cake out for him, and puts a lasix online without prescription blanket over his legs. He is shaking slightly and I wonder if he is cold.The nurse explains to me, ‘The problem is this is a really unstimulating environment’, then says to the patient, ‘All done, let’s have a bit of a tidy up,’ before wheeling the equipment out.The neighbouring patient in bed 18, is now sitting in his bedside chair, wearing (his own) striped pyjamas.

His eyes are open, and he is looking around lasix online without prescription. After a while, he closes his eyes and dozes. The team chat to patient 19 behind the curtains.

He says he doesn’t want to sit, and they say that is fine unless lasix online without prescription the doctors tell them otherwise.The nurse puts music on an old radio with a CD player which is at the doorway near the ward entrance. It sounds like music from a musical and the ward it is quite noisy suddenly. She turns down the volume a bit, but it is very jaunty and upbeat.

The man in bed lasix online without prescription 19 quietly sings along to the songs. €˜I am going to see my baby when I go home on victory day…’At ten thirty, the nurse goes off on her break. The rest of the team lasix online without prescription are spread around the other bays and side rooms.

There are long distances between bays within this ward. After all the earlier activity it is now very calm and peaceful in the bay. Patient 20 is sitting in the chair tapping his lasix online without prescription feet to the music.

He has taken out a large hessian shopping bag out of his cabinet and is sorting through the contents. There is a lot of paperwork lasix online without prescription in it which he is reading through closely and sorting.Opposite, patient 17 looks very uncomfortable. He is sitting with two pillows behind his back but has slipped down the chair.

His head is in his hands and he suddenly looks in pain. He hasn’t touched his tea, and lasix online without prescription is talking to himself. The junior medic was aware that 17 was not comfortable, and it had looked like she was going to get some advice, but she hasn’t come back.

18 drinks his tea and looks at a wool twiddle mitt sleeve, puts it down, and dozes. 19 has finished all his coffee and manages lasix online without prescription to put the cup down on the trolley.Everyone is tapping their feet or wiggling their toes to the music, or singing quietly to it, when a student nurse, who is working at the computer station in the corridor outside the room, comes in. She has a strong purposeful stride and looks irritated as she switches the music off.

It feels lasix online without prescription like a jolt to the room. She turns and looks at me and says, ‘Sorry were you listening to it?. €™ I tell her that I think these gentlemen were listening to it.She suddenly looks very startled and surprised and looks at the men in the room for the first time.

They have lasix online without prescription all stopped tapping their toes and stopped singing along. She turns it back on but asks me if she can turn it down. She leaves and goes back to her paperwork outside.

Once it is turned back on everyone lasix online without prescription starts tapping their toes again. The music plays on. €˜There’ll be bluebirds over the white cliffs of Dover, just you wait and lasix online without prescription see…’[Site 3 day 3]The music was played by staff to help combat the drab and unstimulating environment of this hospital ward for the patients, the very people the ward is meant to serve.

Yet for this member of ward staff the music was perceived as a nuisance, the men for whom the music was playing seemingly did not register to her awareness. Only an individual of ‘higher’ status, the researcher, sitting at the end of this room was visible to her. This example illustrates the general lasix online without prescription question of the visibility or otherwise of patients.

Focusing on our immediate topic, there may be complex pathways through which clothing may impact on how patients living with dementia are perceived, and on their self-perception.Clothing and identityOn these wards, we also observed how important familiar aspects of appearance were to relatives. Family members may be distressed if they find the person they knew so well, looking markedly different. In the example below, a mother and two adult daughters visit the father of the family, who lasix online without prescription is not visible to them as the person they were so familiar with.

His is not wearing his glasses, which are missing, and his daughters find this very difficult. Even though he looks very different following his admission—he has lost a large amount of weight and has sunken cheekbones, and his skin has taken on a darker hue—it is his glasses which are a key concern for the family in their recognition of their father:As I enter the corridor to go back to the ward, I meet the wife and daughter of the patient in bed 2 in the hall lasix online without prescription and walk with them back to the ward. Their father looks very frail, his head is back, and his face is immobile, his eyes are closed, and his mouth is open.

His skin looks darker than before, and his cheekbones and eye sockets are extremely prominent from weight loss. €˜I am like lasix online without prescription a bird I want to fly away…’ plays softly in the radio in the bay. I sit with them for a bit and we chat—his wife holds his hand as we talk.

His wife has to take two busses to get to the hospital and we talk about the potential care home they expect her husband will be discharged to. They hope lasix online without prescription it will be close because she does not drive. He isn’t wearing his glasses and his daughter tells me that they can’t find them.

We look in the bedside cabinet lasix online without prescription. She has never seen her dad without his glasses. €˜He doesn’t look like my dad without his glasses’ [Site 2 day 15].It was often these small aspects of personal clothing and grooming that prompted powerful responses from visiting family members.

Missing glasses and missing teeth were notable in this regard (and with the follow-up visits from the relatives of discharged patients trying to retrieve these lasix online without prescription now lost objects). The location of these possessions, which could have a medical purpose in the case of glasses, dental prosthetics, hearing aids or accessories which contained personal and important aspects of a patient’s identity, such as wallets or keys, and particularly, for female patients, handbags, could be a prominent source of distress for individuals. These accessories to personal clothing were notable on these wards by their everyday absence, hidden away in bedside cupboards or simply not brought in with the patient at admission, and by the frequency with which patients requested and called out for them or tried to look for them, often in repetitive cycles that indicated their underlying anxiety about these belongings, but which would become invisible to staff, becoming an everyday background intrusion to the work of the wards.When considering the visibility and recognition of individual persons, missing glasses, especially glasses for distance vision, have a particular significance, for without them, a person may be less able to recognise and interact visually with others.

Their presence lasix online without prescription facilitates the subject of the gaze, in gazing back, and hence helps to ground meaningful and reciprocal relationships of recognition. This may be one factor behind the distress of relatives in finding their loved ones’ glasses to be absent.Clothing as a source of distressAcross all sites, we observed patients living with dementia who exhibited obvious distress at aspects of their institutional apparel and at the absence of their own personal clothing. Some older patients were lasix online without prescription clearly able to verbalise their understandings of the impacts of wearing institutional clothing.

One patient remarked to a nurse of her hospital blue tracksuit. €˜I look like an Olympian or Wentworth prison in this outfit!. The latter I expect…’ The staff laughed lasix online without prescription as they walked her out of the bay (site 3 day 1).Institutional clothing may be a source of distress to patients, although they may be unable to express this verbally.

Kontos has shown how people living with dementia may retain an awareness at a bodily level of the demands of etiquette.20 Likewise, in our study, a man living with dementia, wearing a very large institutional pyjama top, which had no collar and a very low V neck, continually tried to pull it up to cover his chest. The neckline was particularly low, because the pyjamas were far too large for him. He continued to fiddle with his very low-necked lasix online without prescription top even when his lunch tray was placed in front of him.

He clearly felt very uncomfortable with such clothing. He continued using his hands to try to pull it up to cover his exposed chest, during and after the meal was finished (site 3 day 5).For some patients, the communication of this distress in relation lasix online without prescription to clothing may be liable to misinterpretation and may have further impacts on how they are viewed within the ward. Here, a patient living with dementia recently admitted to this ward became tearful and upset after having a shower.

She had no fresh clothes, and so the team had provided her with a pink hospital gown to wear.‘I want my trousers, where is my bra, I’ve got no bra on.’ It is clear she doesn’t feel right without her own clothes on. The one-to-one lasix online without prescription healthcare assistant assigned to this patient tells her, ‘Your bra is dirty, do you want to wear that?. €™ She replies, ‘No I want a clean one.

Where are my trousers?. I want them, I’ve lost them.’ The healthcare assistant repeats lasix online without prescription the explaination that her clothes are dirty, and asks her, ‘Do you want your dirty ones?. €™ She is very teary ‘No, I want my clean ones.’ The carer again explains that they are dirty.The cleaner who always works in the ward arrives to clean the floor and sweeps around the patient as she sits in her chair, and as he does this, he says ‘Hello’ to her.

She is very teary and explains that she has lost lasix online without prescription her clothes. The cleaner listens sympathetically as she continues ‘I am all confused. I have lost my clothes.

I am all lasix online without prescription confused. How am I going to go to the shops with no clothes on!. €™ (site 5 day 5).This person experienced significant distress because of her absent clothes, but this would often be simply attributed to confusion, seen as a feature of her dementia.

This then lasix online without prescription may solidify staff perceptions of her condition. However, we need to consider that rather than her condition (her diagnosis of dementia) causing distress about clothing, the direction of causation may be the reverse. The absence of her own familiar clothing contributes significantly to her distress and lasix online without prescription disorientation.

Others have argued that people with limited verbal capacity and limited cognitive comprehension will have a direct appreciation of the grounding familiarity of wearing their own clothes, which give a bodily felt notion of comfort and familiarity.18 47 Familiar clothing may then be an essential prop to anchor the wearer within a recognisable social and meaningful space. To simply see clothing from a task-oriented point of view, as fulfilling a simply mechanical function, and that all clothing, whether personal or institutional have the same value and role, might be to interpret the desire to wear familiar clothing as an ‘optional extra’. However, for those patients most lasix online without prescription at risk of disorientation and distress within an unfamiliar environment, it could be a valuable necessity.Personal grooming and social statusIncluding in our consideration of clothing, we observed other aspects of the role of personal grooming.

Personal grooming was notable by its absence beyond the necessary cleaning required for reasons of immediate hygiene and clinical need (such as the prevention of pressure ulcers). Older patients, and particular those living with dementia who were unable to carry out ‘self-care’ independently and were not able to request support with personal grooming, could, over their admission, become visibly unkempt and scruffy, hair could be left unwashed, uncombed and unstyled, while men could become hirsute through a lack of shaving. The simple act of a visitor dressing and grooming a patient as they prepared for discharge could transform their appearance and leave that patient looking more alert, appear to having increased capacity, than when sitting ungroomed in lasix online without prescription their bed or bedside chair.It is important to consider the impact of appearance and of personal care in the context of an acute ward.

Kontos’ work examining life in a care home, referred to earlier, noted that people living with dementia may be acutely aware of transgressions in grooming and appearance, and noted many acts of self-care with personal appearance, such as stopping to apply lipstick, and conformity with high standards of table manners. Clothing, etiquette and personal grooming are important indicators of social class and hence an aspect of belonging and identity, and of how an lasix online without prescription individual relates to a wider group. In Kontos’ findings, these rituals and standards of appearance were also observed in negative reactions, such as expressions of disgust, towards those residents who breached these standards.

Hence, even in cases where an individual may be assessed as having considerable cognitive impairment, the importance of personal appearance must not be overlooked.For some patients within these wards, routine practices of everyday care at the bedside can increase the potential to influence whether they feel and appear socially acceptable. The delivery of routine timetabled care at the bedside can impact on people’s appearance in ways that may mark them out as failing to achieve accepted lasix online without prescription standards of embodied personhood. The task-oriented timetabling of mealtimes may have significance.

It was a typical observed feature of this routine, when a mealtime has ended, that people living with dementia were left with visible signs and features of the mealtime through spillages on faces, clothes, bed sheets and bedsides, that leave them at risk of being assessed as less socially acceptable and marked as having reduced independence. For example, lasix online without prescription a volunteer attempts to ‘feed’ a person living with dementia, when she gives up and leave the bedside (this woman living with dementia has resisted her attempts and explicitly says ‘no’), remnants of the food is left spread around her mouth (site E). In a different ward, the mealtime has ended, yet a large white plastic bib to prevent food spillages remains attached around the neck of a person living with dementia who is unable to remove it (site X).Of note, an adult would not normally wear a white plastic bib at home or in a restaurant.

It signifies a task-based apparel lasix online without prescription that is demeaning to an individual’s social status. This example also contrasts poignantly with examples from Kontos’ work,20 such as that of a female who had little or no ability to verbalise, but who nonetheless would routinely take her pearl necklace out from under her bib at mealtimes, showing she retained an acute awareness of her own appearance and the ‘right’ way to display this symbol of individuality, femininity and status. Likewise, Kontos gives the example of a resident who at mealtimes ‘placed her hand on her chest, to prevent her blouse from touching the food as she leaned over her plate’.20Patients who are less robust, who have cognitive impairments, who may be liable to disorientation and whose agency and personhood are most vulnerable are thus those for whom appropriate and familiar clothing may be most advantageous.

However, we found the ‘Matthew effect’ to be frequently in operation lasix online without prescription. To those who have the least, even that which they have will be taken away.48 Although there may be institutional and organisational rationales for putting a plastic cover over a patient, leaving it on for an extended period following a meal may act as a marker of dehumanising loss of social status. By being able to maintain familiar clothing and adornment to visually display social standing and identity, a person living with dementia may maintain a continuity of selfhood.However, it is also possible that dressing and grooming an older person may itself be a task-oriented institutional activity in certain contexts, as discussed by Lee-Treweek49 in the context of a nursing home preparing residents for ‘lounge view’ where visitors would see them, using residents to ‘create a visual product for others’ sometimes to the detriment of residents’ needs.

Our observations regarding the importance of patient appearance must therefore be considered as part of the care of the whole person and a significant feature of the institutional culture.Patient status and appearanceWithin these wards, a new grouping of class could become imposed on patients lasix online without prescription. We understand class not simply as socioeconomic class but as an indicator of the strata of local social organisation to which an individual belongs. Those in the lowest classes may have limited opportunities to participate in society, and we observed the ways in lasix online without prescription which this applied to the people living with dementia within these acute wards.

The differential impact of clothing as signifiers of social status has also been observed in a comparison of the white coat and the patient gown.4 It has been argued that while these both may help to mask individuality, they have quite different effects on social status on a ward. One might say that the white coat increases visibility as a person of standing and the attribution of agency, the patient gown diminishes both of these. (Within these wards, although white coats were not to lasix online without prescription be found, the dress code of medical staff did make them stand out.

For male doctors, for example, the uniform rarely strayed beyond chinos paired with a blue oxford button down shirt, sleeves rolled up, while women wore a wider range of smart casual office wear.) Likewise, we observed that the same arrangement of attire could be attributed to entirely different meanings for older patients with or without dementia.Removal of clothes and exposureWithin these wards, we observed high levels of behaviour perceived by ward staff as people living with dementia displaying ‘resistance’ to care.50 This included ‘resistance’ towards institutional clothing. This could include pulling up or removing hospital gowns, removing institutional pyjama trousers or pulling up gowns, and standing with gowns untied and exposed at the back (although this last example is an unavoidable design feature of the clothing itself). Importantly, the lasix online without prescription removal of clothing was limited to institutional gowns and pyjamas and we did not see any patients removing their own clothing.

This also included the removal of institutional bedding, with instances of patients pulling or kicking sheets from their bed. These acts could and was often interpreted by ward staff as a patient’s ‘resistance’ to lasix online without prescription care. There was some variation in this interpretation.

However, when an individual patient response to their institutional clothing and bedding was repeated during a shift, it was more likely to be conceived by the ward team as a form of resistance to their care, and responded to by the replacement and reinforcement of the clothing and bedding to recover the person.The removal of gowns, pyjamas and bedsheets often resulted in a patient exposing their genitalia or continence products (continence pads could be visible as a large diaper or nappy or a pad visibly held in place by transparent net pants), and as such, was disruptive to the norms and highly visible to staff and other visitor to these wards. Notably, unlike other behaviours considered by lasix online without prescription staff to be disruptive or inappropriate within these wards such as shouting or crying out, the removal of bedsheets and the subsequent bodily exposure would always be immediately corrected, the sheet replaced and the patient covered by either the nurse or HCA. The act of removal was typically interpreted by ward staff as representing a feature of the person’s dementia and staff responses were framed as an issue of patient dignity, or the dignity and embarrassment of other patients and visitors to the ward.

However, such responses to removal could lead to further cycles of removal and replacement, leading to lasix online without prescription an escalation of distress in the person. This was important, because the recording of ‘refusal of care’, or presumed ‘confusion’ associated with this, could have significant impacts on the care and discharge pathways available and prescribed for the individual patient.Consider the case of a woman living with dementia who is 90 years old (patient 1), in the example below. Despite having no immediate medical needs, she has been admitted to the MAU from a care home (following her husband’s stroke, he could no longer care for her).

Across the previous evening and morning shift, she was shouting, refusing all food and care and has received assistance from the lasix online without prescription specialist dementia care worker. However, during this shift, she has become calmer following a visit from her husband earlier in the day, has since eaten and requested drinks. Her care home would not readmit her, which meant she was not able to be discharged from the unit (an overflow unit due to a high number of admissions to the emergency department during a patch of exceptionally hot weather) until alternative arrangements could be made by social services.During our observations, she remains calm for the first 2 hours.

When she lasix online without prescription does talk, she is very loud and high pitched, but this is normal for her and not a sign of distress. For staff working on this bay, their attention is elsewhere, because of the other six patients on the unit, one is ‘on suicide watch’ and another is ‘refusing their medication’ (but does not have a diagnosis of dementia). At 15:10 patient 1 begins to remove lasix online without prescription her sheets:15:10.

The unit seems chaotic today. Patient 1 has begun to loudly drum her fingers on the tray table. She still has not been brought more milk, which she requested from the HCA an hour lasix online without prescription earlier.

The bay that patient 1 is admitted to is a temporary overflow unit and as a result staff do not know where things are. 1 has moved her sheets off her legs, her bare knees peeking out over the top of piled sheets.15:15. The nurse lasix online without prescription in charge says, ‘Hello,’ when she walks past 1’s bed.

1 looks across and smiles back at her. The nurse in charge explains to her that she needs lasix online without prescription to shuffle up the bed. 1 asks the nurse about her husband.

The nurse reminds 1 that her husband was there this morning and that he is coming back tomorrow. 1 says that he hasn’t been and lasix online without prescription she does not believe the nurse.15:25. I overhear the nurse in charge question, under her breath to herself, ‘Why 1 has been left on the unit?.

€™ 1 has started asking for somebody to come and see her. The nurse in charge tells 1 that she needs to do some jobs first and then will come and talk lasix online without prescription to her.15:30. 1 has once again kicked her sheets off of her legs.

A social worker comes lasix online without prescription onto the unit. 1 shouts, ‘Excuse me’ to her. The social worker replies, ‘Sorry I’m not staff, I don’t work here’ and leaves the bay.15:40.

1 keeps kicking lasix online without prescription sheets off her bed, otherwise the unit is quiet. She now whimpers whenever anyone passes her bed, which is whenever anyone comes through the unit’s door. 1 is the only elderly patient on the unit.

Again, the nurse in charge is heard sympathizing that this is not the lasix online without prescription right place for her.16:30. A doctor approaches 1, tells her that she is on her list of people to say hello to, she is quite friendly. 1 tells her that she has been here for 3 days, (the rest is lasix online without prescription inaudible because of pitch).

The doctor tries to cover 1 up, raising her bed sheet back over the bed, but 1 loudly refuses this. The doctor responds by ending the interaction, ‘See you later’, and leaves the unit.16:40. 1 attempts lasix online without prescription to talk to the new nurse assigned to the unit.

She goes over to 1 and says, ‘What’s up my darling?. €™ It’s hard to follow 1 now as she sounds very upset. The RN’s first instinct, like with the doctor and the nurse in charge, is to cover up 1 s lasix online without prescription legs with her bed sheet.

When 1 reacts to this she talks to her and they agree to cover up her knees. 1 is lasix online without prescription talking about how her husband won’t come and visit her, and still sounds really upset about this. [Site 3, Day 13]Of note is that between days 6 and 15 at this site, observed over a particularly warm summer, this unit was uncomfortably hot and stuffy.

The need to be uncovered could be viewed as a reasonable response, and in fact was considered acceptable for patients without a classification of dementia, provided they were otherwise clothed, such as the hospital gown patient 1 was wearing. This is an example of an aspect of care where the choice and autonomy granted to patients assessed as having (or assumed to have) cognitive capacity is not available to people who are considered to have impaired lasix online without prescription cognitive capacity (a diagnosis of dementia) and carries the additional moral judgements of the appropriateness of behaviour and bodily exposure. In the example given above, the actions were linked to the patient’s resistance to their admission to the hospital, driven by her desire to return home and to be with her husband.

Throughout observations over this 10-day period, patients perceived by staff as rational agents were allowed to strip down their bedding for comfort, whereas patients living with dementia who responded in this way were often viewed by staff as ‘undressing’, which would be interpreted as a feature of their condition, to be challenged and corrected by staff.Note how the same visual data triggered opposing interpretations of personal autonomy. Just as in the example lasix online without prescription above where distress over loss of familiar clothing may be interpreted as an aspect of confusion, yet lead to, or exacerbate, distress and disorientation. So ‘deviant’ bedding may lasix 40mg tablet online be interpreted, for some patients only, in ways that solidify notions of lack of agency and confusion, is another example of the Matthew effect48 at work through the organisational expectations of the clothed appearance of patients.Within wards, it is not unusual to see patients, especially those with a diagnosis of dementia or cognitive impairment, walking in the corridor inadvertently in some state of undress, typically exposed from behind by their hospital gowns.

This exposure lasix online without prescription in itself is of course, an intrinsic functional feature of the design of the flimsy back-opening institutional clothing the patient has been placed in. This task-based clothing does not even fulfil this basic function very adequately. However, this inadvertent exposure could often be interpreted as an overt act of resistance to the ward and towards staff, especially when it led to exposed genitalia or continence products (pads or nappies).We speculate that the interpretation of resistance may be triggered by the visual prompt of disarrayed clothing and the meanings assumed to follow, where lack of decorum in attire is interpreted as indicating more general behavioural incompetence, cognitive impairment and/or standing outside the social order.DiscussionPrevious studies examining the significance of the visual, particularly Twigg and Buse’s work16–19 exploring the materialities of appearance, emphasise its key role in self-presentation, visibility, dignity and autonomy for older people and especially those living with dementia in care home settings.

Similarly, care home studies lasix online without prescription have demonstrated that institutional clothing, designed to facilitate task-based care, can be potentially dehumanising or and distressing.25 26 Our findings resonate with this work, but find that for people living with dementia within a key site of care, the acute ward, the impact of institutional clothing on the individual patient living with dementia, is poorly recognised, but is significant for the quality and humanity of their care.Our ethnographic approach enabled the researchers to observe the organisation and delivery of task-oriented fast-paced nature of the work of the ward and bedside care. Nonetheless, it should also be emphasised the instances in which staff such as HCAs and specialist dementia staff within these wards took time to take note of personal appearance and physical caring for patients and how important this can be for overall well-being. None of our observations should be read as critical of any individual staff, but reflects longstanding institutional cultures.Our previous work has examined how readily a person living with dementia within a hospital wards is vulnerable to dehumanisation,51 and to their behaviour within these wards being interpreted as a feature of their condition, rather than a response to the ways in which timetabled care is delivered at their bedside.50 We have also examined the ways in which visual stimuli within these wards in the form of signs and symbols indicating a diagnosis of dementia may inadvertently focus attention away from the individual patient and may incline towards simplified and inaccurate categorisation of both needs and the diagnostic category of dementia.52Our work supports the analysis of the two forms of attention arising from McGilchrist’s work.10 The institutional culture of the wards produces an organisational task-based technical attention, which we found appeared to compete with and reduce the opportunity for ward staff to seek a finer emotional attunement to the person they are caring for and their needs.

Focus on efficiency, pace and record keeping that measures individual task lasix online without prescription completion within a timetable of care may worsen all these effects. Indeed, other work has shown that in some contexts, attention to visual appearance may itself be little more than a ‘task’ to achieve.49 McGilchrist makes clear, and we agree, that both forms of attention are vital, but more needs to be done to enable staff to find a balance.Previous work has shown how important appearance is to older people, and to people living with dementia in particular, both in terms of how they are perceived by others, but also how for this group, people living with dementia, clothing and personal grooming may act as a particularly important anchor into a familiar social world. These twin aspects lasix online without prescription of clothing and appearance—self-perception and perception by others—may be especially important in the fast-paced context of an acute ward environment, where patients living with dementia may be struggling with the impacts of an additional acute medical condition within in a highly timetabled and regimented and unfamiliar environment of the ward, and where staff perceptions of them may feed into clinical assessments of their condition and subsequent treatment and discharge pathways.

We have seen above, for instance, how behaviour in relation to appearance may be seen as ‘resisting care’ in one group of patients, but as the natural expression of personal preference in patients viewed as being without cognitive impairments. Likewise, personal grooming might impact favourably on a patient’s alertness, visibility and status within the ward.Prior work has demonstrated the importance of the medical gaze for the perceptions of the patient. Other work has also shown how older people, and in particular people living with dementia, may be thought to be beyond concern for appearance, yet lasix online without prescription this does not accurately reflect the importance of appearance we found for this patient group.

Indeed, we argue that our work, along with the work of others such as Kontos,20 21 shows that if anything, visual appearance is especially important for people living with dementia particularly within clinical settings. In considering the task of washing the patient, Pols53 considered ‘dignitas’ in terms of aesthetic values, in comparison to humanitas conceived as citizen values of equality between persons. Attention to lasix online without prescription dignitas in the form of appearance may be a way of facilitating the treatment by others of a person with humanitas, and helping to realise dignity of patients.Data availability statementNo data are available.

Data are unavailable to protect anonymity.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required.Ethics approvalEthics committee approval for the study was granted by the NHS Research Ethics Service (15/WA/0191).AcknowledgmentsThe authors acknowledge funding support from the NIHR.Notes1. Devan Stahl lasix online without prescription (2013). €œLiving into the imagined body.

How the diagnostic image confronts the lived body.” Medical Humanities. Medhum-2012–010286.2. Joyce Zazulak et al.

(2017). "The art of medicine. Arts-based training in observation and mindfulness for fostering the empathic response in medical residents.” Medical Humanities.

Medhum-2016-011180.3. E Forde (2018). "Using photography to enhance GP trainees’ reflective practice and professional development." Medical Humanities.

Medhum-2017-011203.4. Caroline Wellbery and Melissa Chan (2014) “White coat, patient gown.” Medical Humanities. Medhum-2013–0 10 463.5.

E Goffman (1990a). Stigma. Notes on the management of spoiled identity, Penguin.6.

J Bridges and C Wilkinson (2011). €œAchieving dignity for older people with dementia in hospital.” Nursing Standard 5 (29).7. J Dancy (1985).

Contemporary Epistemology, John Wiley and Sons.8. D McNaughton (1988). Moral Vision.

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